Einige zitierte Fachzeitschriften:
- Sex Roles
- Partner Abuse
- Violence and Victims
- Law & Society Review
- Child Abuse & Neglect
- Criminal Justice and Behavior
- Aggression and Violent Behavior
- Psychology of Men & Masculinity
- Journal of Sexual Aggression
- Journal of Adolescent Health
- Journal of Interpersonal Violence
- Journal of Forensic and Legal Medicine
- Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma
- Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research
- International Journal of Men’s Health
- International Journal of Law and Psychiatry
- International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice
UPDATE: Von feministischer Seite wurde und wird immer wieder eingewendet, dass die hier aufgeführten Studien keinerlei wissenschaftliche Relevanz hätten.
Nachstehend möchte ich den H-Index und das SJR-Ranking (2013) für die wichtigsten, hier angeführten Fachzeitschriften angeben.
wird auf der SJR-Homepage nicht aufgeführt
Violence and Victims
Law and Society Review
Child Abuse & Neglect
Criminal Justice and Behavior
Aggression and Violent Behavior
Psychology of Men & Masculinity
Journal of Sexual Aggression
Journal of Adolescent Health
Journal of Interpersonal Violence
Journal of Forensic and Legal Medicine
Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment and Trauma
Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research
International Journal of Men´s Health
International Journal of Law and Psychiatry
International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice
UPDATE: Professor Fiebert hat seine Bibliografie von 282 (siehe 24.) auf 343 „scholarly investigations“ aktualisiert und in Sexuality & Culture, 18(2) 2014, veröffentlicht.
Einige neuere Studien:
1.) Nicola Fisher, Afroditi Pina: An overview of the literature on female-perpetrated adult male sexual victimization, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 18(1) 2013, 54-61.
The rape of women has been an issue of concern in research literature for the past 40 years. Conversely, rape against men has only relatively recently received investigation. The current paper reviews the existing research literature regarding male rape and sexual assault, with particular emphasis on female perpetrated male sexual victimization. The review covers issues regarding biased legal definitions, rape myths, feminist theory, and stereotypical or negative beliefs; all of which create a problematic social environment for male victims of female perpetrated assault to report crimes. The review also discusses the prevalence of female perpetrated attacks against men, with evidence from self-reports by female sex offenders to highlight the existence of male sexual victimization and the aggressive manner in which the sexual activity is committed. The review concludes that male sexual victimization by women should be taken as seriously as that of women by men.
2.) L. Olayanju, R. Naguib, Q. Nguyen, R. Bali, N. Vung: Combating intimate partner violence in Africa: Opportunities and challenges in five african countries, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 18(1) 2013, 101-112.
Recent research results emerging from Africa show a worrying situation regarding the levels of intimate partner violence (IPV) in various countries in the continent — levels that are quite high and place great financial burden on individuals and governments. This paper explores the magnitude, nature, and risk factors of IPV in five African countries, namely, Morocco, Nigeria, Namibia, Uganda, and Tanzania. The focus of the paper is to explore issues of IPV in these countries by considering the opportunities in each country that could assist in the prevention of violence, and also to identify inherent challenges that may pose threats to efforts in reducing the high IPV prevalence. As there are only limited studies on IPV in developing countries, new insights provided by this paper would afford relevant stakeholders a better understanding of the issue.
3.) Stans de Haas, Willy van Berlo, Floor Bakker, Ine Vanwesenbeeck: Prevalence and Characteristics of Sexual Violence in the Netherlands, the Risk of Revictimization and Pregnancy: Results From a National Population Survey, in: Violence and Victims, 27(4) 2012, 592-608.
The sample consisted of more than 6,000 men and women between the age of 15 and 70 years old. Prevalence rates as high as 21% for men and 56% for women were found. Fifty percent of the female victims and 30% of the male victims of child sexual abuse had experienced adult victimization.
4.) Babette Drijber, Udo Reijnders, Manon Ceelen: Male Victims of Domestic Violence, in: Journal of Family Violence 2012. DOI 10.1007/s10896-012-9482-9
5.) Antonio Zacarias, Gloria Macassa, Joaquim Soares: Women as perpetrators of IPV: the experience of Mozambique, in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 4(1) 2012, 5-27.
Further, 14.5 percent (chronicity, mean/SD 140.2±86.3) of the women used all abuse types against their partners: 18.2 percent (chronicity, mean/SD 113.1±75.9) injury, and psychological and physical abuse; 14.7 percent (chronicity, mean/SD 64.9±64.3) injury, and physical and sexual abuse; 16.3 percent (chronicity, mean/SD 94.1±57.2) injury, and psychological and sexual abuse; and 24.9 percent (chronicity, mean/SD 99.5±72) psychological, physical, and sexual abuse. Controlling behaviours, co-occurring perpetration, abuse as a child, and certain types of own victimization were the more important factors associated with the inflicted abuse.
6.) Carolyn M. West: Partner Abuse in Ethnic Minority and Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender Populations, in: Partner Abuse, 3(3) 2012, 336-357.
Few gender differences in rates of physical and psychological aggression were found among African American, Hispanic American, Asian American, and Native American men and women. Psychological aggression was most frequently reported. Bidirectional violence, which primarily took the form of minor aggression, was the most frequently reported form of physical violence. When unidirectional aggression was assessed, it was more likely to be female perpetrated, particularly among African Americans.
7.) Michelle Mohr Carney, John R. Barner: Prevalence of Partner Abuse: Rates of Emotional Abuse and Control, in: Partner Abuse, 3(3) 2012, 286-335.
For emotional abuse, prevalence rates might average around 80%, with 40% of women and 32% of men reporting expressive aggression (i.e., verbal abuse or emotional violence in response to some agitating or aggravating circumstance) and 41% of women and 43% of men reporting some form of coercive control. For sexual coercion, national samples demonstrated the widest disparity by gender of victim, with 0.2% of men and 4.5% of women endorsing forced sexual intercourse by a partner. By far, the largest selection of highly variable studies, stalking and obsessive behaviors showed a range from 4.1% to 8.0% of women and 0.5% to 2.0% of men in the United States have been stalked at some time in their life.
8.) Sarah L. Desmarais, Kim A. Reeves, Tonia L. Nicholls, Robin P. Telford, Martin S. Fiebert: Prevalence of Physical Violence in Intimate Relationships, Part 1: Rates of Male and Female Victimization, in: Partner Abuse, 3(2) 2012, 140-169.
Unweighted, pooled prevalence estimates were calculated for female and male victimization overall and by sample type, country, measurement time frame, and measurement approach. Across studies, approximately 1 in 4 women (23.1%) and 1 in 5 men (19.3%) experienced physical violence in an intimate relationship, with an overall pooled prevalence estimate of 22.4%.
9.) Sarah L. Desmarais, Kim A. Reeves, Tonia L. Nicholls, Robin P. Telford, Martin S. Fiebert: Prevalence of Physical Violence in Intimate Relationships, Part 2: Rates of Male and Female Perpetration, in: Partner Abuse, 3(2) 2012, 170-198.
Consistent with prior reviews, pooled prevalence was slightly greater for female- compared to male-perpetrated physical IPV: more than 1 in 4 women (28.3%) and 1 in 5 men (21.6%) reported perpetrating physical violence in an intimate relationship.
10.) Nicola Graham-Kevan, Antonio Zacarias, Joaquim Soares: Investigating Violence and Control Dyadically in a Help-Seeking Sample from Mozambique, in: The Scientific World Journal 2012.
11.) Jennifer Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Candice Selwyn, Martin L. Rohling: Rates of Bidirectional Versus Unidirectional Intimate Partner Violence Across Samples, Sexual Orientations, and Race/Ethnicities: A Comprehensive Review, in: Partner Abuse, 3(2) 2012, 199-230.
These results indicate that bidirectional violence was common across all types of samples (population-based to criminal justice). This suggestes that the role of women in violent relatonships is important to consider, even if all aspects of women’s perpetration of IPV are not symmetrical to men’s perpetration of IPV. A second finding to emerge was that the ratio of unidirectional female-to-male compared to male-to-female IPV differed significantly among samples with higher rates of female-perpetrated unidirectional violence found in four of the five sample types considered.
12.) Penny A. Leisring: Top 10 Reasons Why Women’s Perpetration of Intimate Partner Violence Is an Important Area of Inquiry, in: Partner Abuse, 2(4) 2012, 452-467.
Women’s perpetration of intimate partner violence (IPV) has been an extremely controversial topic. In this article, the author discusses 10 reasons why it is critically important to study women’s use of IPV. The prevalence and motivation of women’s use of IPV are discussed, as well as the psychopathology typically found in clinical samples of female IPV perpetrators. Consequences of women’s IPV for victims, for romantic relationships, for witnessing children, and for the female perpetrators themselves are reviewed. Evidence points to the importance of research on this topic and the urgent need for effective prevention and intervention programs for women’s perpetration of IPV.
13.) Nicholle Hill, Kamilah Woodson, Angela Ferguson, Carlton Parks Jr.: Intimate Partner Abuse among Afriacn American Lesbians: Prevalence, Risk Factors, Theory, and Resilience, in: Journal of Family Violence, 27 2012, 401-413.
Although there is a dearth of data available on prevalence rates for African American lesbians in particular, it can be surmised from the existing literature that: (a) IPA is a very real problem within the general lesbian community (Coleman 2003; Descamps et al. 2000; Kaschak 2001; Lockhart et al. 1994; Robohm et al. 2003; Stevens et al. 2010; Tigert 2001), and (b) African American women are at heightened risk of IPA victimization (Powell 2008; West 2002; Williams et al. 2008a, b). Thus, it is likely that African American lesbians represent a high risk population that has gone underresearched and consequently underserved. Prevalence findings on IPA in the mainstream lesbian and African American heterosexual communities suggest that IPA among African American lesbians may range from 25 % to 40 % for physical abuse, with the higher end of the range reflecting the inclusion of verbal abuse (Powell; Robinson 2002).
14.) Bert Hoff: US National Survey: more men than women victims of intimate partner violence, in: Journal of Aggression, conflict and Peace Research, 4(3) 2012, 155-163.
15.) Sabrina N. Nowinskia, Erica Bowen: Partner violence against heterosexual and gay men: Prevalence and correlates, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 17(1) 2012, 36-52.
Female victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) have been the focus of a substantial amount of research. However, the subject of male victims of IPV remains a controversial topic, and one which has been comparatively neglected within the literature, despite some findings suggesting that men are victimized by intimate partners at an equivalent, or even higher rate than women. This paper reviews the literature on male victims of IPV, both within opposite and same-gender relationships, focusing on the prevalence and correlates of IPV, as well as exploring the relationship between IPV and ethnicity. According to the literature reviewed, the prevalence of female perpetrated IPV against heterosexual male victims ranges from 0.2% to 93%, homosexual male victimization ranges between 1.8% and 93.7%, and heterosexual female victimization ranges between 1.3% and 86% depending on the type of IPV included, whether the reference period includes the past 12 months, or lifetime experience, and the method used to assess IPV.
16.) Esteban Eugenio Esquivel-Santovena, Louise Dixon: Investigating the true rate of physical intimate partner violence: A review of nationally representative surveys, in: Aggresion and Violent Behavior, 17 2012, 208-219.
Currently, IPV is commonly understood from a perspective which perceives the problem to be predominantly one of men’s violence to women, and the majority of resultant research, policy and practice follows this framework (e.g., Respect, 2008). However, as this review highlights, it is imperative that research surveys adopt a gender inclusive approach, and further methodology conducive of both sexes reporting their experiences, if the true nature of the problem is to be understood.
17.) Dorothy L. Espelage, Kathleen C., Basile, Merle E. Hamburger: Bullying Perpetraton and Subsequent Sexual violence Perpetration among Middle School Students, in: Journal of Adolescent Health, 50(1) 2012, 60-65.
Using cutoff scores, 12% of males and 12% of females could be considered bully perpetrators. Thirty-two percent of the boys (22% of girls) reported making sexual comments to other students, 5% of boys (7% of girls) spread a sexual rumor, and 4% of boys (2% of girls) pulled at someone’s clothing. Bullying perpetration and homophobic teasing were significant predictors of sexual harassment perpetration over time.
18.) Murray A. Straus: Blaming the Messenger for the Bad News about Partner Violence by Women: The Methodological, Theoretical, and Value Basis of the Purported Invaliditiy of the Conflict Tactics Scales, in: Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 30 2012, 538-556.
More than 200 studies have found “gender symmetry” in perpetration of violence against a marital or dating partner in the sense that about the same percent of women as men physically assault a marital or dating partner. Most of these studies obtained the data using the Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS). However, these results have been challenged by numerous articles in the past 25 years that have asserted that the CTS is invalid. This article identifies and responds to 11 purported methodological problems of the CTS, and two other bases for the belief that the CTS is not valid. The discussion argues that the repeated assertion over the past 25 years that the CTS is invalid is not primarily about methodology. Rather it is primarily about theories and values concerning the results of research showing gender symmetry in perpetration. According to the prevailing “patriarchal dominance” theory, these results cannot be true and therefore the CTS must be invalid. The conclusion suggests that an essential part of the effort to prevent and treat violence against women and by women requires taking into account the dyadic nature of partner violence through use of instruments such as the CTS that measure violence by both partners.
19.) Donald Dutton: The case against the role of gender in intimate partner violence, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 17(1) 2012, 99-104.
I argue that Gondolf, Johnson and Dekeseredy, in a recent issue of Aggression and Violent Behavior: A Review Journal, presented one sided arguments and misleading evidence for the role of gender in intimate partner violence (IPV). Johnson and Dekeseredy use only female victim samples and Gondolf only a male perpetrator sample. These methods generate spurious support for the gender paradigm. Better methodology; longitudinal and laboratory studies indicate that bilateral IPV, matched for level of severity is the most common form of IPV. Our policies should be directed towards this most common form not the relatively rare „wife battering“. The stereotype of IPV proffered by the gender paradigm has obscured the dyadic patterns and psychological profiles of IPV so that a „one size fits all“ approach has been the normative response. The future of IPV policy lies in prevention and in models that treat abusive families as coherent systems.
20.) Abigail Thornton, Nicola Graham-Kevan, John Archer: Prevalence of Women’s Violent and Nonviolent Offending Behavior. A Comparison of Self-Reports, Victims‘ Reports, and Third-Party Reports, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 27 2012, 1399-1427.
A comprehensive measure of general violence, intimate partner violence (IPV), and nonviolent offending was collected. From women’s self-reports, 59.9% reported perpetrating general violent offenses, 58.1% reported perpetrating IPV offenses and 85.6% reported perpetrating nonviolent offenses.
21.) Louise Dixon, John Archer, and Nicola Graham-Kevan: Perpetrator programmes for partner violence: Are They based on ideology or evidence? in: Legal and Criminological Psychology, 17(2) 2012, 196-215.
In this article, we first set out the general assumptions of the patriarchal view of intimate partner violence (IPV), and then consider how these are manifest in the statements of Respect, the organization responsible for setting the accreditation standards of many male perpetrator programmes in the United Kingdom.
22.) A Report from the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs (NCAVP). Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and hiv-affected intimate partner violence: 2011.
Overall IPV Incidents: NCAVP member organizations received 3,930 reports of IPV in 2011, a 22.2% decrease from 2010 (5,052). IPV Homicides: NCAVP documented 19 homicide victims, more than three times the amount of homicides in 2010 (6 homicide victims), and the highest number of homicides ever recorded by NCAVP. Of the homicide victims, 63.2% identified as men (12 of 19 in 2011), and 36.8% identified as women (7 of 19, 2 of whom were transgender women). IPV Overall Survivor and Victim Demographics: Gay (38.7%) and lesbian (31.3%) survivors were the most represented sexual orientations reported among total survivors. Reports from lesbian survivors decreased slightly from 2010 (34.8%). White survivors represent 40.8% of total IPV survivors, which is an increase from 2010 (37.4%). Latina/o survivors represent the second largest amount of survivors (36.6%), an increase from 2010 (31.8%). Most Impacted Identities: People of color were more likely to report experiencing threats/intimidation and verbal harassment. Bisexual and transgender survivors were more likely to report experiencing verbal harassment, threats, and intimidation as a form of IPV. People of color under 30 were more likely to experience injuries, physical violence, and threats and intimidation. Youth and young adults were more likely to be injured and to experience physical violence. Trends in LGBTQH IPV Tactics: Less than a third (23.0%) of survivors experienced physical violence, a large decrease from 2010 (46.5%). Characteristics of Abusive Partners:11 35.5% of abusive partners were reported by survivors to be gay, while 27.2% of abusive partners were reported to be heterosexual, and 26.8% were reported to be lesbian. Orders of Protection: 78.1% of LGBTQH IPV survivors who sought orders of protection received them, a decrease from 2010 (83.7%). Access to Shelter: 61.6% of survivors who sought shelter were denied, as compared to 44.6% in 2010. Police Response: Police arrested survivors or both individuals in 28.4% of incidents involving the police, a slight increase from 2010 (21.9%)..
23.) Adam M. Messinger: Invisible Victims: Same-Sex IPV in the National Violence Against Women Survey, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 26(11) 2011, 2228-2243.
With intimate partner violence (IPV) among same-sex couples largely ignored by policy makers and researchers alike, accurately estimating the size of the problem is important in determining whether this minimal response is justified. As such, the present study is a secondary data analysis of the National Violence Against Women Survey and represents the first multiple variable regression analysis of U.S. adult same-sex IPV prevalence using a nationally representative sample (N = 14,182). Logistic regressions indicate that, independent of sex, respondents with a history of same-sex relationships are more likely to experience verbal, controlling, physical, and sexual IPV.
24.) Martin Fiebert: References examining assaults by women on their spouses or male partners: An annotated bibliogroaphy 2011.
This bibliography examines 282 scholarly investigations: 218 empirical studies and 64 reviews and/or analyses, which demonstrate that women are as physically aggressive, or more aggressive, than men in their relationships with their spouses or male partners. The aggregate sample size in the reviewed studies exceeds 369,800.
25.) Murray A. Straus: Gender symmetry and mutuality in perpetration of clinical-level partner violence: Empirical evidence and implications for prevention and treatment, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 16 2011, 279-288.
The evidence in this paper summarizing the results from many studies using a wide variety of samples and measures requires rejection of both the Straus (1990) and the Johnson (2006) versions of the “different population” explanation of the discrepancy between studies finding gender symmetry and studies that find male predominance in PV.This is because 91 comparisons reviewed for this article have found that symmetry also applies to cases with clinical-level violence and agency involvement. The explanation that clinical-level and agency cases are almost entirely male-perpetrated is also not supported by the evidence in this paper. The studies reviewed found symmetry and mutuality whenever that has been measured for such populations.
26.) M. C. Black et al.: The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS): 2010 Summary Report, Atlanta, GA: Natonal Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2011.
- 35,6% of women and 28.5% of men reported rape, physical violence, and/or stalking by an intimate partner during their lifetime.
- 24,3% of women and 13.8% of men reported severe physical violence (i.e., hit with fist or something hard, beaten, slammed against somethin) by intimate partner
- 10.7% of women and 2.1% of men reported being stalked by intimate partner
- 48.4% of women and 48.8% of men reported psychological aggression
27.) Christos Tsopelasa, Tsetsou Spyridoulaa, Douzenis Athanasios: Review on female sexual offenders: Findings about profile and personality, in: International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 34(2) 2011, 122-126.
A unanimous view of what is female sexual abuse is difficult to reach. Often it is under reported, unrecognized or considered ethically more acceptable than male abuse. It is also connected with an increased self-report of history of sexual abuse of the perpetrators. A typology of female sexual abusers should be developed. Treatments focusing on different psychological interventions along with prevention and public awareness can be a powerful tool in reduction of sexual abuse perpetrated by females.
28.) Fiona Mairead McCartan, Heather Law, Maeve Murphy: Child and adolescent females who present with sexually abusive behaviors: A 10-year UK prevalence study, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, 17(1) 2011: Special Issue: Female Sexual Offenders.
29.) A. A. Randle & C. A. Graham: A review of the evidence on the effects of intimate partner violence on men, in: Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 12(2) 2011, 96-111.
This review examines the empirical evidence on the effects of intimate partner violence (IPV) in men. The main theoretical frameworks used in this area are outlined, and methodological issues are discussed. Studies examining posttraumatic stress (PTS) symptoms, depression, and suicidal ideation in men who have experienced IPV are reviewed.
30.) S. Moxon: Beyond staged retreat behind virtual ‚gender paradigm‘ barricades: the rise and fall of the misrepresentation of partner-violence, and its eclipse by an understanding of mate-guarding, in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 3 2011, 45-56.
The notion of partner-violence as a male-perpetrated phenomenon is not a scientific position but an amelioration of cognitive-dissonance within a political mindset. Against all the data, this ‘gender paradigm’ persists as a series of staged retreats as new research debunks each in turn. Supposed highly sex-differential injury rates, male unilaterality of perpetration, female self-defence, male ‘control’, and female especial fear are all discredited as reasons to focus solely on men’s aggression.
31.) Miriam Wijkman, Catrien Bijleveld & Jan Hendriks: Female sex offenders: Specialists, generalists and once-only offenders, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, 17(1) 2011, 34-45.
This study examines the criminal careers of all female sex offenders prosecuted by the criminal justice authorities in the Netherlands in the period 1994–2005. A latent class analysis shows that three subgroups of women can be distinguished: once-only offenders (who commit just one sex offence and no other offence), generalists (who combine sex offending with relatively many serious other, often violent, offences) and specialists (who commit relatively many sex offences next to some minor offences).
32.) Tanyaradzwa M. Kajese, Linh T. Nguyen, Giao Q. Pham, Van K. Pham, Katherine Melhorn, K. James Kallail: Characteristics of child abuse homicides in the state of Kansas from 1994 to 2007, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 35(2) 2011, 147-154.
33.) Einat Peled: Abused women who abuse their children: A critical review of the literature, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 16(4) 2011, 325-330.
34.) R. Carmo, A. Grams, T. Magalhaes: Men as victims of intimate partner violence, in: Journal of forensic and legal medicine, 18(8) 2011, 355-359.
The reported cases of intimate partner violence against men represent 11.5% of the total of these cases observed in the medico-legal services of Porto. This number may be bigger because men tend to underreport and hide this kind of victimization, and also because injuries usually are mild (women perpetrate psychological abuse and minor acts of physical violence).
35.) Theresa Porter: Hit like a Girl: Women Who Batter Their Partners, 2011.
Domestic violence by women represents a blind spot for western society. Since 1977, multiple large scale international studies have demonstrated the women can and do beat, batter and murder their male and female intimate partners at a rate equal to or higher than that of man, yet this issue is not simply ignored but denied by society at large.
36.) O. Jankey, M. Prospero, P. Fawson: Mutually violent attitudes: effects on intimate partner violence and mental health symptoms among couples in Botswana, Africa, in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 3(1) 2011, 4-11.
The present study investigated the prevalence of mutual violence, violent attitudes and mental health symptoms among students in Botswana, Africa. The sample consisted of 562 university students from Botswana University in heterosexual relationships. Participants completed self-report surveys that asked about violent attitudes, partner violence, controlling behaviours, and mental health symptoms. Results were that respondent and respondent partner’s violent attitudes, partner violence and controlling behaviours were significantly related, revealing the mutuality of aggression within couples. Males reported higher violent attitudes but were just as likely as females to report controlling behaviours and physical partner perpetration.
37.) Catherine P. Cross & Anne Campbell: Women’s aggression, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 16(5) 2011, 390-398.
38.) Zeev Winstok, Murray A. Straus: Gender Differences in Intended Escalatory Tendencies Among Marital Partners, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 26(18) 2011, 3599-3617.
This study addresses the intended escalatory tendency in eight hypothetical situations in which the provocator’s identity (partner or stranger, male or female) and the provocation form (verbal or physical aggression) were manipulated. The research question is “how does the identity of the provocator and the form of his or her provocation affect the participant’s intended escalation level, and does the gender of the participant affect differences in intended escalation level?” The research sample consisted of 208 Israeli couples. The main finding is that women’s intended response to their male partner is more escalatory than men’s intended response to their female partner. Results also show that women’s escalation is the most severe to partner provocation and the least severe to male strangers’ provocation. Men’s escalation is the most severe to provocation by male strangers and the least severe to their partner’s provocation. Findings indicate that men’s intention to escalate decreases as their partner’s provocation becomes more severe. The severity of provocation has little effect on women’s inten–tion to escalate. Such results are consistent with social role theory and sexual selection theory that maintain that status enhancement is more important for men than for women, and is more important for men than risk reduction is, whereas the opposite is true for women.
39.) Anne-Marie Slotboom, Jan Hendriks, Janna Verbruggen: Contrasting adolescent female and male sexual aggression: A self-report study on prevalence and predictors of sexual aggression, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, 17(1) 2011: Special Issue: Female Sexual Offenders.
In this study we investigated the prevalence of sexual aggression as reported by adolescent males and females in the Netherlands. Data were collected from a low-risk school-based sample (n=219; 119 adolescent females and 100 adolescent males), a medium-risk school-based sample (vocational training) (n=237; 117 adolescent females and 120 adolescent males); and a high-risk sample from eight different juvenile justice institutions (n=377; 215 adolescent females and 162 adolescent males). Participants reported on the strategy used to force a person into sexual contact (defined as sexual touching, sexual intercourse or oral sex) against his/her will. Results showed that around 8% of the adolescent females and 10% of the adolescent males reported having used sexual aggression against a person.
40.) Maarten Muskens, Stefan Bogaerts, Marjolijn van Casteren, Sybille Labrijn: Adult female sexual offending: A comparison between co-offenders and solo offenders in a Dutch sample, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, 17(1) 2011: Special Issue: Female Sexual Offenders.
In this study, several offence, victim and offender characteristics of 60 adult female sexual offenders were examined. The first purpose was to explore the personality pathology among these offenders. The second purpose was to examine the sexual, violent and any recidivism rates of these offenders. These offenders were referred for an inpatient or outpatient psychiatric and/or psychological evaluation between January 1999 and December 2008. The results revealed that the mean number of DSM-IV Axis I disorder was larger among solo offenders compared to co-offenders. Conversely, the mean number of DSM-IV personality disorders was larger among co-offenders compared to solo offenders. Furthermore, the sexual, violent and any recidivism rate of these female sexual offenders was 0, 1.9 and 7.7%, respectively. Offender type (i.e. solo offender) significantly predicts a new offence of any type.
41.) Jeff Sandler, Naomi J. Freeman: Female sex offenders and the criminal justice system: A comparison of arrests and outcomes, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, 17(1) 2011: Special Issue: Female Sexual Offenders.
Das Geschlecht, so die Autoren, „significantly reduce[s] the likelihood of incarceration for offenders convicted of sexual offences.„
42.) James Vess: Risk assessment with female sex offenders: Can women meet the criteria of community protection laws?, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, 17(1) 2011: Special Issue: Female Sexual Offenders.
Although females represent a small proportion of the sex offender population, they occasionally appear before the courts under the current generation of laws intended to protect the public from high-risk sex offenders.
43.) Murray A. Straus: Thirty Years of Denying the Evidence on Gender Symmetry in Partner Violence: Implications for Prevention and Treatment, in: Partner Abuse, 1(3) 2010, 332-362.
The concluding section argues that ignoring the overwhelming evidence of gender symmetry has crippled prevention and treatment programs. It suggests ways in which prevention and treatment efforts might be improved by changing ideologically based programs to programs based on the evidence from the past 30 years of research.
44.) Paul Millar, Grant Brown: Explaining Gender Differences in Police Arresting and Charging Behavior in Cases of Spousal Violence, in: Partner Abuse, 1(3) 2010, 314-331.
45.) D. A. Hines & E. M. Douglas: Intimate terrorism by women towards men: does it exist?, in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 2(3) 2010, 36-56.
This study investigates Johnson’s theory as it applies to a sample of 302 men who sustained IPV from their female partners and sought help, and a comparison sample of community men. Results showed that the male helpseekers sample was comprised of victims of IT and that violence by the male victims was part of a pattern of what Johnson labels violent resistance.
46.) Donald G. Dutton: The Gender Paradigm and the Architecture of Antiscience, in: Partner Abuse, 1(1) 2010, 5-25.
The gender paradigm is the view that most domestic violence (DV) is maleperpetrated against females (and children) in order to maintain patriarchy. Based on functionalist sociology, it has been the prominent DV perspective in North America and Western Europe, framing criminal justice policy to DV, court understanding of DV, court disposition of DV perpetrators to psychoeducational groups, and custody decisions. Research evidence contradicts every major tenet of this belief system: female DV is more frequent than male DV, even against nonviolent partners, there is no overall relationship of control to DV, and abuse perpetrators who use intimate partner violence (IPV) for coercive instrumental reasons are both male and female. Research supporting the gender paradigm is typically based on self-selected samples (victims from women’s shelters and men from court-mandated groups) and then inappropriately generalized to community populations. The gender paradigm is a closed system, unresponsive to major disconfirming data sets, and takes an antiscience stance consistent with a cult. In this article, I compare the responses of this gender cult to other cults and contrast it with a scientific response to contradictory data.
47.) Brian H. Spitzberg, William R. Cupach, Lea D. L. Ciceraro: Sex Differences in stalking and Obsessive Relational Intrusion: Two Meta-Analyses, in: Partner Abuse, 1(3) 2010, 259-285.
Women are significantly more likely to experience persistent unwanted pursuit, more likely to view such pursuit as threatening, and are two to three times as likely as men to be victims of stalking, but men report longer durations of unwanted pursuit. Most of these gender differences were small in effect size. Stalking labeling and perceived severity of unwanted pursuit and stalking depended in part on the type of sample from which the data were drawn and the locus of perception, whether victim or perpetrator.
48.) Lary Heidi Kar, Kaniel K. O’Leary: Gender Symmetry or Asymmetry in Intimate Partner Victimization? Not an Either/Or Answer, in: Partner Abuse, 1(2) 2010, 152-168.
Gender differences in physical victimization, sexual victimization, injury, fear, and depressive symptoms were assessed in a representative community sample of 453 young couples. The prevalence of any physical victimization experienced by women and men did not differ (29% vs. 30%), but men reported more severe physical victimization than women. No difference in prevalence of overall injury was observed, but more women reported severe injury than men.
49.) R. L. Davis: Domestic Violence-related deaths, in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict, and Peace Research, 2(2) 2010, 44-52.
50.) J. Langhinrichsen-Rohling: Controversies involving gender and intimate partner violence in the United States, in: Sex Roles, 62 2010, 179-193.
Reviewed evidence support three central theses that: 1) there are subtypes of IPV; 2) women are as involved as men with some but not all subtypes of IPV, and 3) recognition of these gender-related challenges will improve policy, treatment, and working models of IPV.
51.) Kirsten Bruhns: Mädchen als Gewalttäterinnen – Medienhype oder Herausforderung für die Jugendhilfe?, in: Archiv für Wissenschaft und Praxis der sozialen Arbeit: Die Kategorie „Geschlecht“ in der Kinder- und Jugendhilfe, 41 2010, 32-42.
Weder Dramatisierungen noch Verharmlosungen des Phänomens ‚Mädchengewalt‘ sind geeignet, dessen Relevanz im Rahmen der Jugendhilfe zu beurteilen, und quantifizierende Argumente erweisen sich sowohl vor dem Hintergrund der Opfer- als auch der Täterinnenperspektive als unzulänglich. Ein Blick auf die Merkmale und Lebensbedingungen der Gewalttäterinnen sowie auf den subjektiven ‚Sinn‘, den Gewalt für gewalttätige Mädchen hat, erschließt, dass Mädchengewalt eine Herausforderung für die Jugendhilfe ist.
52.) Sally Stevens, Josephine Korchmaros, Delaina Miller: A Comparison of Victimization and Perpetration of Intimate Partner Violence Among Drug Abusing Heterosexual and Lesbian Women, in: Journal of Family Violence, 25 2010, 639-649,
53.) Kirsten Bruhns: Mädchen und Gewalt, in: Birgit Richard (Hg.): Inter-cool 3.0. Jugend, Bild, Medien; ein Kompendium zur aktuellen Jugendkulturforschung, München: Fink 2010, 231-246.
Der Beitrag zur weiblichen Jugendgewalt stellt zunächst Daten aus der amtlichen Statistik und der empirischen Forschung zum Umfang und zur zeitlichen Entwicklung der Gewalt durch Mädchen und junge Frauen vor. Anschließend werden die Risikofaktoren erläutert, die die Gewaltausübung weiblicher Jugendlicher begünstigen. Zum Schluss wird Mädchengewalt im Kontext geschlechtertheoretischer Erklärungsansätze beleuchtet. (ICB2).
54.) Caroletta A. Shuler: Male Victims of Intimate Partner Violence in the United States: An Examination of the Review of Literature through the Critical Theoretical Perspective, in: International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences, 5(1) 2010, 163-173.
Male victims of intimate partner violence have become an issue of concern within United States of America. Research has found that approximately 3.8 women and 1.3 men per 1,000 are victims of intimate partner violence each year. Even though collaborative professions to criminal justice such as nursing, social work, counseling, and psychology have began to discuss male victims of intimate partner violence; scholars within criminal justice have conducted limited empirical research, which has revealed the need for further studies by criminologists. This article examines the review of literature concerning the male victims of domestic violence by their female intimate partners.
55.) Jackie Turton: Female sexual abusers: Assessing the risk, in: International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice, 38(4) 2010, 279-293.
Successful risk management within child protection is problematic and in many cases is a delicate balancing act between parental and children’s rights. Reversing the expected gender roles creates a dynamic that may increase the difficulties of risk assessment even further. This paper focuses on women who sexually abuse children and discusses the particular problems relating to the assessment of risk in professional practice. The data was gathered in the UK and drawn from a series of qualitative interviews with child protection professionals, including 3 police officers, 2 lawyers, 15 social workers, 6 probation officers, 8 health workers and 11 counsellors. The interview data have identified some links between the gendered assumptions and the rationales used by professionals to explain the abusive behaviour.
56.) Denise A. Hines, Emily M. Douglas: Women’s Use of Intimate Partner Violence against Men: Prevalence, Implications, and Consequences, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 18 2009, 572-586.
Evidence showing that women use intimate partner violence (IPV) against their male partners has existed since the 1970s when IPV was first systematically examined. This article discusses the various sources of prevalence rates of IPV by women against men, the dominant theoretical explanation for IPV in general, and its implications for female perpetrators and male victims in the social service and criminal justice systems, as well as the current evidence of the consequences of women’s use of IPV to the men who sustain it. Finally, we discuss directions for future research, including our own study focusing on men who sustain IPV.
57.) Murray A. Straus: Violence between parents reported by male and female university students: prevalence, severity, chronicity and mutuality, in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 1 2009, 4-12.
The second question was whether fathers and mothers differ in respect to the per cent who perpetrated violence, and in the severity and chronicity of violence. Despite a sample of more than a thousand, there was no significant difference betwecn the mothers and fathers in respect to any of these measures. Thus, the results from this study are consistent with more than 200 other general population studies in showing approximately equal rates of perpetration by male and female partners (Archer, 2000; Fiebert, 2004; Straus, 2007),
58.) Sabrina Simon: Gewaltbereite Mädchen in sozialen Brennpunkten. Zwischen Frustration und misslungener Kommunikation, München: Meidenbauer 2009.
Immer häufiger wird über eine zunehmende Gewaltbereitschaft von Mädchen berichtet. Oft steht diese in enger Korrelation mit dem Aufwachsen und Leben in sozialen Brennpunkten. Bisher bleibt es jedoch weitestgehend offen, wie gewaltbereite Mädchen ihre Situation im Hinblick auf die wachsenden sozialen Gegensätze und dem Bewusstsein auf der falschen Seite zu stehen erleben. Dieser Frage widmet sich die vorliegende qualitative Untersuchung, in der Interviews mit gewaltbereiten Mädchen sowie einer Expertin durchgeführt wurden.
59.) Theresa Porter: Woman as Molester; Implications for Society 2009.
Female sex offenders of children represent a blind spot of western society. Research over the last 20 years has noted that women can and do sexually abuse children at alarmingly high rates, yet the issue is largely ignored by the media and society at large. This paper will examine the prevalence of sex offending by women against children and then explore the culturally important myths involved in perpetuating the idea that women are sexually safe around children.
60.) Donald G. Dutton, Kenneth N. Corvo, John Hamel: The gender paradigm in domestic violence research and practice part II: The information website of the American Bar Association, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 14 2009, 30–38.
Without restating the entire argument, the notion that domestic violence is solely motivated by male domination of women has been rejected on several grounds, including huge and representative data sets showing female IPV to be more commonplace than male perpetrated IPV (Archer, 2000; Stets & Straus, 1989; Whittaker et al., 2007), to generate only moderately more injuries (Whittaker et al., 2007), and to be generated by the same motives (Fiebert, 2004; Follingstad, Wright, Lloyd, & Sebastian, 1991).
61.) Peter Tracey: Exploring Taboos: Comparing Male and Female Perpetrated Child Sexual Abuse, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 7 2009, 1111–1128.
The author concludes that more research into female-perpetrated child sexual abuse is necessary to better understand these differences. Results should be interpreted cautiously, as analyses were based on only 37 investigations involving female perpetrators.
62.) J. Allen-Collinson: A marked man: Female perpetrated intimate partner abuse, in: International Journal of Men’s Health, 8(1) 2009, 22-40.
This paper seeks to add to a small, but developing qualitative literature on male victims‘ accounts of intimate abuse and violence. Drawing on case study data, the article charts some of the salient themes emerging from a series of in-depth interviews and the personal diary of an abused heterosexual male victim.
63.) Rebecca Deering and David Mellor: Sentencing of male and female child sex offenders: Australian study, Psychiatry, psychology and law, Australian Academic Press Pty. Ltd. 2009, 394-412.
Research suggests that, in line with the chivalry hypothesis of female offending, a range of mitigatory factors such as mental health problems, substance abuse, and personal experiences of abuse are brought into play when women who offend against children are brought to trial. This is reflected in sentencing comments made by judges and in the sanctions imposed on the offenders, and as a result female offenders are treated differently to male offenders. The current study investigated this in an Australian context. Seven cases of female-perpetrated child sexual abuse were identified over a 6-year period through the Austlii database. Seven cases of male-perpetrated child sex abuse matched as far as possible to these were identified. Court transcripts were then located, and sentencing comments and sanctions imposed were analysed. All offenders were sentenced to imprisonment, but in general the women were more likely than the men to receive less jail time and lower non-parole periods because their personal backgrounds or situation at the time of the offending (i.e., difficulties with intimate relationship, male dependence issues, depression, loneliness and anger) were perceived as worthy of sympathy, and they were considered as likely to be rehabilitated. Further investigations are needed to support these findings.
64.) Lisa Conradi, Robert Geffner, Kevin Hamberger, Gary Lawson: An Exploratory Study of Women as Dominant Aggressors of Physical Violence in Their Intimate Relationships, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 18(7) 2009, 718-738.
In the last 20 years, research has emerged that suggests that women may be violent in intimate relationships. This article describes a qualitative study focusing on women who were classified as dominant aggressors of violence in their intimate relationships. Ten subjects participated in a detailed clinical interview and completed five written measures to examine the factors that led to their later aggression, including sociocultural factors, history of trauma, gender role identification, and intergenerational transmission of violence. Seven major themes emerged, including a history of victimization and trauma, substance abuse, and a history of violence across relationships and situations. These results suggest that the violence committed by dominantly aggressive women may be explained by an integrated conceptual framework of domestic violence.
65.) Julie Goldenson, Alicia Spidel, Caroline Greaves, Donald Dutton: Female Perpetrators of Intimate Partner Violence: Within-Group Heterogeneity, Related Psychopathology, and a Review of Current Treatment with Recommendations for the Future, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 18(7) 2009, 752-769.
Female perpetrators of intimate partner violence (IPV) are now beginning to receive some scholarly attention both in Canada and the United States, particularly with zero tolerance policies and the increasing number of female arrestees. This article reviews research on the relative prevalence of IPV (comparing males and females) and the context and motivation for perpetration and female perpetrators‘ general psychopathology (e.g., their attachment issues, trauma experiences, and personality organization). We not only examine intergroup comparisons between women and men, but also highlight some of the intragroup heterogeneity within female perpetrators of the IPV population. The aim of this review is also to describe some of current treatment approaches and provide recommendations for the future.
66.) M. A. Straus: Gender symmetry in partner violence: evidence and implications for prevention and treatment, in: J. R. Lutzker and D. J. Whitaker (Hg.): Prevention of Partner Violence, Washington, D. C.: American Psychological Association 2009, 245-271.
A review article that examines evidence of gender symmetry in partner violence. Also summarizes studies that show existing efforts at prevention and treatment have been limited by the conceptualization that partner violence is primarily violence again women.
67.) M. Prospero: Sex-symmetric effects of coercive behaviors on mental health? Not exactly, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 24(1) 2009, 128-146.
The present study tested a section of the model of coercion in intimate partner violence (IPV) by investigating the relationships among coercion, IPV and mental health symptoms. The study’s sample consisted of 573 culturally diverse university students (age M = 21.4) who completed a survey that measured past IPV victimization, coercive behaviors, and mental health symptoms. Structural equation modeling analyses revealed that coercion was a stronger predictor of adverse mental health symptoms than was IPV victimization. In addition, the study found that the adverse effect of coercive behaviors on mental health symptoms was stronger among female victims of IPV than among male IPV victims. The results have implications for theory building, future research, and mental health professionals who work with female and male victims of IPV.
68.) E. M. Saewyc, D. Brown, M. Plane, M. P. Mundt, L. Zakletskaia, J. Wiegel & M. F. Fleming: Gender Differences in violence exposure among university students attending campus health clinics in the United States and Canada, in: Journal of Adolescent Health, 45(6) 2009, 587-94.
Similar rates of men (17%) and women (16%) reported any violence in the past 6 months; women were more likely to report emotional and men to report physical violence. Of those reporting emotional violence, 45.5% women and 50% men indicated it was IPV, and 23.7% women and 20.9% men reported physical IPV.
69.) J. Hamel: Toward a gender-inclusive conception of intimate partner violence research and theory: Part 2-new directions, in: International Journal of Men’s Health, 8(1) 2009, 41-59.
The current article critically examines the two major alternative models, beginning with the post-patriarchal/asymmetry paradigm, which acknowledges that most intimate partner abuse consists of „situational“ or „common couple“ violence, which is conflict-driven, has relatively minor consequences, and is initiated by women as well as men.
70.) K. S. Ménard, A. L. Anderson, S. M. Godboldt: Gender differences in intimate partner recidivism, in: Criminal Justice and Behavior, 36(1) 2009, 61-76.
Research shows that women perpetrate intimate partner violence (IPV) and that their pattern of offending differs from that of men. Using arrest and court records from a large Midwestern city, this study examines 596 cases of IPV, 15.5% of which were perpetrated by women. Separate logistic regression models for men and women suggest there are both similarities and differences in factors that predict recidivism. Among both women and men, non-Whites as compared to Whites and drug users as compared to nondrug users are significantly more likely to recidivate.
71.) Helen Gavin: “Mummy wouldn’t do that” the perception and construction of the female child sex abuser, in: Evil, Women and the Feminine, 1-3 2009, Budapest, Hungary. (Unpublished)
The recognition of female perpetrators of child sex abuse is impeded by the perception of women as incapable of such acts. Why is such perception persistent in the face of information to the contrary? This research uses a social constructivist approach to examining perceptions of female sexual abusers, to try to determine the answer to why we think mummy wouldn’t do that
72.) M. A. Straus: Current controversies and prevalence concerning female offenders of intimate partner violence. Why the overwhelming evidence of partner physical violence by women has not been perceived and is often denied, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 18 2009, 1-19.
The author suggests explanations for the fact that, despite a large body of high-quality evidence, gender symmetry in the perpetration of nonsexual physical abuse against a partner in a marital, cohabiting or dating relationship has not been perceived by the public or service providers.
73.) M. A. Straus & M. J. Paschall: Corporal punishment by mothers and development of children’s cognitive ability: a longitudinal study of two nationally representative age cohorts, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 18 2009, 459-483.
74.) G. Amendt: I didn’t divorce my kids!: How fathers deal with family break-ups. Campus Verlag Publishers 2008. (In Chapter 5 author presents data from an internet survey of 3600 divorced German fathers. Results reveal that 1/3 of men reported episodes of physical violence during the divorce process and 2/3 of these were initiated by ex-partners.)
75.) S. Strickland: Female Sex Offenders: Exploring Issues of Personality, Trauma, and Cognitive Distortions, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23 2008, 474-489.
A sample of 130 incarcerated females, 60 sex offenders, and 70 nonsexual offenders is used. Significant results are found in the areas of total childhood trauma and severity of sexual abuse suffered and social and sexual adequacy. No differences are found in abuse of substances, personality disorders, emotional neediness, or cognitive distortions.
76.) Theresa A. Gannon, Mariamne R. Rose: Female child sexual offenders: Towards integrating theory and practice, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 13(6) 2008, 442-461.
Female-perpetrated child sexual abuse is beginning to be recognized as a significant problem in Western society. Despite this, however, relatively few researchers and professionals have conducted research of direct relevance for treating previous termfemalenext term child previous termsexualnext term offenders (FCSOs).
77.) K. Doroszewicz, G. B. Forbes: Experiences with dating aggression and sexual coercion among Polish college students, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23 2008, 58-73.
Polish men and women had high levels of physical aggression and sexual coercion. Relative to the IDVS samples, women, but not men, had high levels of causing injury to their partner and using threats or actual physical force to obtain oral, anal, or vaginal intercourse. The possible influences of high levels of domestic violence in Polish society and rapid changes in women’s roles are discussed.
78.) Sergio Herzog & Shaul Oreg: Chivalry and the Moderatin Effect of Ambivalent Sexism: Individual Differences in Crime Seriousness Judgments, in: Law & Society Review, 42(1) 2008, 45-74.
Eight hundred forty respondents from a national sample of Israeli residents evaluated the seriousness of hypothetical crime scenarios with (traditional and nontraditional) female and male offenders. As hypothesized, hostile and benevolent sexism moderate the effect of women’s “traditionality” on respondents‘ crime seriousness judgments and on the severity of sentences assigned.
79.) Peter Tracey: Speaking About the Unspeakable. Exploring the Impact of Mother-Daughter Sexual Abuse, in: Violence Against Women, 16(9) 2008, 1033-1053.
80.) Jenny Yourstone, Torun Lindholm Marianne Kristiansson: Women who kill: A comparison of the psychosocial background of female and male perpetrators, in: International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 31(4) 2008, 374-383.
Results showed that both female and male perpetrators were psychosocially encumbered already at an early age. Homicidal women had more severe childhood circumstances, but less aggressive childhood behaviour than did their male counterparts. At the time of the crime, women had a more ordered social situation, had more often been exposed to violence and searched for help than had the men. These gender differences suggest that specific actions are needed for preventing women’s homicidal behaviour.
81.) Kim Turner, Holly A. Miller, Craig E. Henderson: Latent Profile Analyses of Offense and Personality Characteristics in a Sample of Incarcerated Female Sexual Offenders, in: Criminal Justice and Behavior, 35 2008, 879-894.
82.) SC Swan, LJ Gambone, JE Caldwell, TP Sullivan, DL Snow: A review of research on women’s use of violence with male intimate partners, in: Violence and Victims, 23(3) 2008, 301-14.
The major points of this review are as follows: (a) women’s violence usually occurs in the context of violence against them by their male partners; (b) in general, women and men perpetrate equivalent levels of physical and psychological aggression, but evidence suggests that men perpetrate sexual abuse, coercive control, and stalking more frequently than women and that women also are much more frequently injured during domestic violence incidents; (c) women and men are equally likely to initiate physical violence in relationships involving less serious „situational couple violence,“ and in relationships in which serious and very violent „intimate terrorism“ occurs, men are much more likely to be perpetrators and women victims; (d) women’s physical violence is more likely than men’s violence to be motivated by self-defense and fear, whereas men’s physical violence is more likely than women’s to be driven by control motives; (e) studies of couples in mutually violent relationships find more negative effects for women than for men; and (f) because of the many differences in behaviors and motivations between women’s and men’s violence, interventions based on male models of partner violence are likely not effective for many women.
83.) C. M. Forke, R. K. Myers, M. Catallozzi, D. F. Schwarz: Relationship violence among female and male college undergraduate students, in: Archives of Pediatric Adolescent Medicine, 162 2008, 634-641.
Relationship violence is prevalent among college students and frequently occurs before college. Emotional violence was most frequent before college; sexual and emotional violence were equally common during college. Women reported more victimization than men, but male victimization was common. Men perpetrated more sexual violence; women perpetrated more physical violence. Physical violence and emotional violence were most often committed by partners, while sexual violence was less likely to be partner related.
84.) R. B. Felson: The legal consequences of intimate partner violence for men and women, in: Children and Youth Services Review, 30 2008, 639-646.
The evidence does not support the idea that assaults by male partners are particularly likely to be underreported or treated leniently. Rather, the results suggest that offenders who assault women are more likely to suffer legalconsequences than those who assault men, whether their victim is their partner or someone else.
85.) M. Kirschner, M. Fiebert: Interracial dating and partner abuse: A pilot study, Poster session presented at the annual meeting of Western Psychological Association, Irvine, CA 2008.
A convenience sample of 40 subjects, 15 men, 25 women who were currently involved in an interracial relationship were evaluated using the CTS2. No relationship between partner aggression and ethnicity was found. However, women were significantly more likely to perpetrate violence toward their male partners then men were toward women.
86.) P. Leung, M. Cheung: A prevalence study on partner abuse in six Asian American ethnic groups in the USA, in: International Social Work, 51 2008, 635-649.
In a survey of 1577 Asian Americans, the average partner abuse prevalence was 16.4 percent, that is, 22.4 percent among Vietnamese, 21.8 percent among Filipinos, 19.5 percent among Indians, 19.5 percent among Koreans, 9.7 percent among Japanese and 9.7 percent among Chinese. Asian partner abuse victims are likely to seek help from medical professionals or friends.
87.) K. D. O’Leary, A. M. S. Slep, S. Avery-Leaf, M. Cascardi: Gender differences in dating aggression among multiethnic high school students, in: Journal of Adolescent Health, 42 2008, 473-479.
More females reported engaging in physical aggression (40%) than reported being victims of aggression (30%). Fewer males reported engaging in physical aggression (24%) than reported being victims of physical aggression (31%). If physical aggression occurred, typically both partners were aggressive. For females, exclusive engagement in physical aggression (perpetration) was reported at higher rates than exclusively being the recipient of physical aggression (victimization) and vice versa for males. Dating aggression was less prevalent among male Asian students than other ethnic groups. Engaged males and females reported the highest rates of physical aggression. Injury was reported by over 25% of males and females who reported being the recipients of physical aggression.
88.) K. D. O’Leary, N. Tintle, E. J. Bromet, S. F. Gluzman: Descriptive epidemiology of intimate partner aggression in Ukraine, in: Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 43 2008, 619-626.
More women than men reported aggression by their spouse in the past year (12.7 vs. 5.8%) or ever in the marriage (20.1 vs. 8.6%), while ~11 and 19% of both sexes behaved aggressively against their spouse in these time periods. Among men, the unique risk factors for behaving aggressively were being married once, witnessing parental violence, early onset alcohol abuse, and intermittent explosive disorders (IED); the risk factors for reporting that their wives were aggressive were early onset alcohol abuse, IED and marital problems. Among women, the risk factors for behaving aggressively were younger age, unemployment, living in a rural area, early onset alcohol abuse, mood/anxiety disorders, and marital problems; the risk factors for reporting that their husbands behaved aggressively were younger age, early onset alcohol abuse, and marital problems.
89.) C. Barber: Domestic violence against men, in: Nursing Standard, 22(51) 2008, 35-39.
This article reviews the literature relating to domestic violence against men and examines some of the reasons why men are reluctant to report violent episodes. The article focuses on men as the victims and women as the perpetrators of domestic violence and identifies gaps in service provision. The role of the nurse in supporting male victims is also discussed.
90.) C. Pekarek: Intimate partner violence and interracial relationships: Prevalence, perceived social support and gender, Unpublished master’s thesis, California State University, Long Beach, CA 2008.
The purpose of this study was to assess the prevalence of intimate partner violence (IPV) in interracial relationships versus non-interracial relationships, to investigate whether perceived social support can be a predictor of IPV, and to examine the prevalence of perpetration and severity of violence between genders. A total of 203 surveys including demographics, the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2), and the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS) were used in data analysis. The independent sample t-tests showed no significant differences between the two relationship types. A significant amount of variance in IPV can be explained by perceived social support, according to logistic regression. The results also show males reported a significantly higher prevalence of violent acts and higher severity of violence perpetrated by their female partners. These results have implications for prevention of IPV and treatment for victims of violence.
91.) S. Sarlar, R. Dsouza, A. Dasgupta, M. S. Fiebert: Men as victims of domestic violence in India, Poster session presented at the annual meeting of the Western Psychological Association, Irvine, CA 2008.
A convenience sample of married, middle class, men from all parts of India responded to modified version of the CTS. Findings reveal that 25.1% of subjects reported at least one incident, within the past year, of physical violence from their wives.
92.) A.V. Lysova & E.M. Douglas: Intimate Partner Violence Among Male and Female Russian University Students, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23 2008, 1279-1599.
93.) M. A. Straus: Dominance and symmetry in partner violence by male and female university students in 32 nations, in: Children and Youth Services Review, 30 2008, 252-275.
The study investigated the widely held beliefs that physical violence against partners (PV) in marital, cohabiting, and dating relationships is almost entirely perpetrated by men, and that the major risk factor for PV is male dominance in the relationship. The empirical data on these issues were provided by 13,601 university students in 32 nations who participated in the International Dating Violence Study. The results in the first part of this paper show that almost one-third of the female as well as male students physically assaulted a dating partner in the previous 12 months, and that the most frequent pattern was bidirectional, i.e., both were violent, followed by „female-only“ violence. Violence by only the male partner was the least frequent pattern according to both male and female participants. The second part of the article focuses on whether there is gender symmetry in a crucial aspect of the etiology of partner PV — dominance by one partner. The results show that dominance by either the male or the female partner is associated with an increased probability of violence. These results, in combination with results from many other studies, call into question the assumption that PV is primarily a male crime and that, when women are violent, it is usually in self-defense. Because these assumptions are crucial elements in almost all partner PV prevention and treatment programs, a fundamental revision is needed to bring these programs into alignment with the empirical data. Prevention and treatment of PV could become more effective if the programs recognize that most PV is bidirectional and act on the high rate of perpetration by women and the fact that dominance by the female partner is as strongly related to PV as dominance by the male partner.
94.) Nancy Glass, Nancy Perrin, Ginger Hanson, Tina Bloom, Emily Gardner, Jacquelyn Campbell: Risk for Reassault in Abusive Female Same-Sex Relationships, in: American Journal of Public Health, 98(6) 2008, 1021-1027.
95.) M. H. Swahn, T. R. Simon, I. Arias, R. M. Bossarte: Measuring sex differences in violence victimization and perpetration within date and same-sex peer relationships, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23 2008, 1120-1138.
This study examines sex differences in the patterns of repeated perpetration and victimization of physical violence and psychological aggression within dating relationships and same-sex peer relationships. Data were obtained from the Youth Violence Survey: Linkages among Different Forms of Violence, conducted in 2004, and administered to all public school students enrolled in grades 7, 9, 11 and 12 (N = 4,131) in a high-risk school district. Analyses of adolescents who dated in the past year (n = 2,888) show that girls are significantly more likely than boys to report physical violence and psychological aggression perpetration within dating relationships. However, boys are significantly more likely than girls to report physically injuring a date. Boys are also significantly more likely than girls to report physical violence victimization and perpetration within same-sex peer relationships. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.
96.) Jennifer Hardesty, Ramona Oswald, Lyndal Khaw, Carol Fonseca, Grace Chung: Lesbian Mothering in the Context of Intimate Partner Violence, in: Journal of Lesbian Studies, 12(2) 2008, 191-210.
Twenty-four lesbian mothers (12 African American, 9 White, and 3 Latina) who had experienced physical abuse by a same-sex partner were interviewed. Three types of IPV were found: intimate terrorism, situational violence, and mutual violent control. Further, relationships between mothers/abusers, mothers/children, and abusers/children were examined. Regarding relationships with abusers, 71% of mothers reported lengthy sagas, 17% had worked it out, and 13% made a clean break from the abuser. Regarding relationships with their children, 48% of mothers hid the violence, 26% minimized it, and 26% openly communicated about the situation. Relationships between abusers and the mothers‘ children were found to be either co-parental (29%), playmate (21%), abusive (21%), or non-parental (21%). Correlations among relational and demographic variables were also examined.
97.) C. M. West: „A thin line between love and hate?“ Black men as victims of perpetrators of dating violence, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 16 2008, 238-257.
Black men are a resilient, diverse group of individuals. However, due to their economic and socially marginalized status, they areat increased risk for intimate partner violence. The purpose of this article is to review the literature and discuss (a) Black men as victims of psychological, sexual, and physical dating violence; (b) Black men as perpetrators of the aforementioned forms of violence; (c) risk factors that make Black menvulnerable to dating violence, including socioeconomic status, exposure to family violence during childhood, and exposure to community violence;(d) limitations of the current research and future research directions; and(e) suggestions for prevention programs and culturally sensitive interventionprograms that address sexism, challenge oppressive images, and encourage help-seeking and social support.
98.) Shannon M. Bader, Mario J. Scaloraa, Thomas K. Casady, Shannon Black: Female sexual abuse and criminal justice intervention: A comparison of childprotective service and criminal justice samples, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 32(1) 2008, 111-119.
Victims ranged in age from 1 to 18 years old (M = 9.98, SD = 4.37). As hypothesized, there were statistically significant differences between the CPS and criminal justice samples. Specifically, the CPS sample had a majority of victims under age 12 (74.9%), while the criminal justice sample had a majority of victims between ages 13 and 19 (73.8%). The CPS sample had predominantly intrafamilial victims (97.8%), while the criminal justice sample had a majority of extrafamilial victims (63.3%). The CPS sample also showed significantly more previous termfemalenext term victims (63.7%), while the criminal justice sample had mostly male victims (62.1%).
99.) Statistical Analysis Center: Domestic Violence in Alabama, 2008.
100.) D. G. Dutton: Female intimate partner violence and developmental trajectories of abusive families, in: International Journal of Men’s Health, 6 2007, 54-71.
A review of the research literature indicates that female intimate partner violence (IPV) is a frequent as male IPV. It is just as severe and has much the same consequences for males as for females. Despite these findings, criminal justice intervention and custody evaluation operate from the unwarranted assumption that males are the greater risk for IPV perpetration.
101.) Christine Künzel, Gaby Temme (Hg.): Täterinnen und/oder Opfer? Frauen in Gewaltstrukturen, LIT Verlag 2007.
Die kollektive Zuschreibung der Frau als Opfer gesellschaftlicher, männlicher Gewalt verstellte lange Zeit den Blick auf die Rolle von Frauen als Mittäterinnen in sozialen und kulturellen Gewaltstrukturen und auf Fragen der Verantwortung. Der folgende Band ist dazu angelegt, Zuschreibungsprozesse von Täter- und Opferpositionen in interdisziplinärer Perspektive zu analysieren.
102.) N. Brown: Stories from outside the frame: Intimate partner abuse in sexual-minority women’s relationships with transsexual men, in: Feminism and Psychology, 17(3) 2007, 373-393.
This qualitative research study examined the relational experiences of sexual-minority women partners of female-to-male transsexuals (N = 20) using grounded theory analysis. This article reports data on abusive relationships reported by a subset of the sample (N = 5), representing a unique and under-studied population. It explores the theoretical constructions that are available from the mainstream anti-violence movement and those from the anti-violence writings of other marginalized communities. Sexual-minority women described abuse tactics by their trans men partners that were influenced by the particularities of their trans partner’s identity and oppression, as well as the features of the activist communities of which they were a part. The research findings of this aspect of the study suggest that the context of a `first relationship‘ with a trans man, the social context of transphobia, and the traditional gender-based heterosexual model of relationship violence in which participants do not recognize themselves as victims of abuse all contribute to vulnerability to abuse. Clinical applications and community implications are discussed.
103.) University of Washington: Teenage Violence Linked To Later Domestic Violence. Science Daily 2007.
In addition it showed that nearly twice as many women as men said they perpetrated domestic violence in the past year including kicking, biting or punching their partner, threatening to hit or throw something at their partner, and pushing, grabbing or shoving their partner.
104.) Claudia Kuckuck: Jugendgewalt – ein männliches und weibliches Phänomen. Ansätze einer geschlechterbewussten Gewaltpräventionsarbeit, Saarbrücken: VDM Verl. Dr. Müller 2007.
105.) D. M. Capaldi, H. K. Kim & J. W. Shortt: Observed initiation and reciprocity of physical aggression in young at-risk couples, in: Journal of Family Violence, 22(2) 2007, 101-111.
The present study examined sex differences in initiation of physical aggression as observed during discussion tasks and in the likelihood of a similar response from the partner. In addition, patterns for men and women in the prevalence of aggression initiation and partner reciprocation across 4 time points spanning approximately 9 years from late adolescence through the mid-20s are examined, as well as overall associations with reported aggression and injuries. Findings indicated that the young women were more likely than the men to initiate physical aggression at late adolescence, but by the mid-20s in early adulthood there were no significant sex differences in initiation rates.
106.) N. Graham-Kevan: The re-emergence of male victims, in: International Journal of Men’s Health, 6(1) 2007, 3-6.
Author presents an introduction to this special issue dealing with male victims of violence by women. The author argues that the scholarly neglect of this topic has limited our overall understanding of violence in intimate relationships. A brief overview of the papers is presented.
107.) Willi Walter: Gewalt gegen Männer, Budrich 2007.
Gewalt gegen Männer ist ein bekanntes, aber weitgehend „unsichtbares“ Phänomen. Das Buch versucht erstmals den gesamten Umfang der Gewalt gegen Männer (durch andere Personen) zu umreißen. Grundlage ist dabei die erste deutsche qualitative und quantitative Pilotstudie zu Gewalt gegen Männer.
108.) M. Carney, F. Buttell & D. Dutton: Women who perpetrate intimate partner violence: A review of the literature with recommendations for treatment, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 12 2007, 108-115.
The purpose of this article is to review the literature on women as perpetrators of violence in their intimate relationships (i.e., domestically violent women) and summarize the scant literature on intervention programs for these women.
109.) L. Bunting: Dealing with a problem that doesn’t exist? Professional responses to female perpetrate, in: Child Abuse Review, 4 2007, 252-267.
Findings indicate female involvement in sexual offenses against children is more common than generally thought, and has serious implications for the long-term emotional and psychological well-being of victims.
110.) Daniel J. Whitaker, Tadesse Haileyesus, Monica Swahn and Linda S. Saltzman: Differences in Frequency of Violence and Reported Injury Between Relationships With Reciprocal and Nonreciprocal Intimate Partner Violence, in: American Journal of Public Health, 97(5) 2007, 941-947.
Almost 24% of all relationships had some violence,and half (49.7%) of those were reciprocally violent. In nonreciprocallyviolent relationships, women were the perpetrators in more than70% of the cases. Reciprocity was associated with more frequentviolence among women (adjusted odds ratio [AOR]=2.3; 95% confidenceinterval [CI]=1.9, 2.8), but not men (AOR=1.26; 95% CI=0.9,1.7).
111.) D. A. Hines, J. Brown, J., E. Dunning: Characteristics of Callers to the Domestic Abuse Helpline for Men. Durham, NH: University of New Hampshire, Family Violence Lab 2007.
Abstract Intimate partner violence (IPV) bywomen against men has been the subject of much debate. Feminists typically argue that IPV is committed only by men against women. Others argue that violence is a human problem and women also commit much IPV. To resolve these debates, IPV has been classified into two categories: common couple violence captured by population-based studies, and patriarchal terrorism, captured by studies of battered women. This typology ignores male victims of extreme IPV. The current study addresses this omission by describing 190 male callers to the Domestic Abuse Helpline for Men. All callers experienced physical abuse from their female partners, and a substantial minority feared their wives’ violence and were stalked. Over 90% experienced controlling behaviors, and several men reported frustrating experiences with the domestic violence system.
112.) R. B. Felson, M. Outlaw: The control motive and marital violence, in: Violence and Victims, 22 2007, 387-407.
113.) R. B. Felson, P. Pare: Does the criminal justice system treat domestic violence and sexual offenders leniently?, in: Justice Quarterly, 24 2007, 435-459.
First, the police are particularly unlikely to arrest women who assault their male partners. Second, the police are less likely to arrest offenders who engage in minor assault against their partner or other people they know (versus strangers).
114.) R. J. Gelles: The politics of research: The use, abuse, and misuse of social science data – the case of intimate partner violence, in: Family Court Review, 45 2007, 42-51.
This article examines the issue of how research is utilized, abused, and misused in policy and practice in the area of intimate partner violence (IPV). The article reviews and critically analyzes facts set forth for the purpose of claiming that IPV is a significant social problem and finds that many of these facts lack empirical support. The lack of evidence that supports theoretical explanations for IPV and recommended interventions hinders the ability to adequately respond to the problem of IPV.
115.) N. Graham-Kevan: Domestic violence: Research and implications for batterer programmes in Europe, in: European Journal of Criminal Policy & Research, 13 2007, 213-225.
The European Union is in the early stages of developing policy and practice guidelines for dealing with domestic violence offenders. There is a real danger, however, that that policy and practice is going to be shaped by political lobbyists rather than academic literature and evidence-based practice. Feminist advocates control the curriculum of domestic violence perpetrator programmes in the US and more recently in the UK and proscribe treatments that do not conform to their conceptualisation of domestic violence. Feminist advocates conceptualise domestic violence as unilateral male-to-female violence enacted to control and dominate women, supported by the patriarchal beliefs and systems of the wider society. Academic support for this theory is lacking, however, and scientifically sound evaluations find that programmes based on this philosophy have little or no effect on recidivism. Empirical literature suggests that domestic violence is not a unitary phenomenon and that perpetrators are a heterogeneous group whose treatment should match their crimingenic needs and risk.
116.) M. J. George: The „great taboo“ and the role of patriarchy in husband and wife abuse, in: International Journal of Men’s Health, 6 2007, 7-22.
117.) E. Olshen, K. H. McVeigh, R. A. Wunsch-Hitzig, V. I. Rickert: Dating violence, sexual assault and suicide attempts among urban teenagers, in: Archives of Pediatric Adolescent Medicine, 161 2007, 539-545.
Respondents were 50.0% female and primarily black (36.0%) or Hispanic (40.1%). In the past year, 11.7% of females and 7.2% of males reported 1 or more suicide attempts. Lifetime history of sexual assault was reported by 9.6% of females and 5.4% of males. Dating violence in the past year was reported by 10.6% of females and 9.5% of males. In multivariate models, controlling for persistent sadness, sexual orientation, and significant risk behaviors, recent dating violence (odds ratio, 1.61; 95% confidence interval, 1.05-2.47) was associated with suicide attempts in adolescent girls, while lifetime history of sexual assault (odds ratio, 3.86; 95% confidence interval, 2.11-7.06) was associated with suicide attempts in adolescent boys.
118.) P. Romito, P. M. Grassi: Does violence affect one gender more than the other? The mental health impact of violence among male and female university students, in: Social Science & Medicine, 65 2007, 1222-1234.
The impact of violence on health has been studied mostly among women. While the studies including men show that violence is detrimental for them also, knowledge concerning gender differences is scarce. This study explores whether violence has a different impact on males and females in a sample of 502 Italian university students, responding to a self-administered questionnaire. We considered violence by family members, witnessed family violence, peers/school violence, intimate partner violence, and sexual violence. Mental health outcomes included: depression, panic attacks, heavy alcohol use, eating problems, suicidal ideation and attempts, and self-evaluation of health. Both males and females reported similar rates of experienced and witnessed family violence as well as of intimate partner violence, to which women reacted more negatively than men. Peers/school violence was more common among men. Sexual violence was more common and more severe among females. Among mental health effects, panic attacks were more common among females, and alcohol problems among males. We considered the cumulative impact of violence, calculating the odds ratios (ORs) for reporting each health outcome after having experienced zero, one, two, three or four/five types of violence. For both men and women, the more violence, the higher the risk of health problems; however, the real jump in the risk of mental suffering occurred between three and four /five types of violence, the latter category more often female. Moreover, we obtained ORs for the relationships between health outcome and each type of violence, after adjustment for the other types of violence. For experienced and witnessed family violence, the health impact was similar for males and females; for intimate partner violence, sexual violence, and peer/school violence it was larger for females. In the literature, women report more violence-related health problems than men. Results of the present study imply that the excess health problems among women may result from more intense or more frequent experiences of violence.
119.) S. Swaroop, R. Dsouza: Violence a home truth for India husbands, in: Priority News Exchange Program News Item (PNEP), 2007.
When Man try to tell his Problems / Torture / Struggle / Harassment of marriage and family, no one ready to listen, instead they laugh at him; Many men are ashamed to talk about they are beaten at home by their wives and her Family because of Indian mentality no one will believe, and everyone believe women word when she tell lies with crocodile tears. So much for the law to promote domestic violence against Indian Husbands and wonder no social organizations have done any research on that, no one demanded the data of Crime against men by women and crime against women by another woman.
120.) M. A. Straus: Processes explaining the concealment and distortion of evidence on gender symmetry in partner violence, in: European Journal of Criminal Policy Research, 13 2007, 227-232.
The seven methods described above have created a climate of fear that has inhibited research and publication on gender symmetry in PV and largely explain why an ideology and treatment modality has persisted for 30 years, despite hundreds of studies which provide evidence on the multiplicity of risk factors for PV, of which patriarchy is only one.
121.) M. Prospero: Mental health symptoms among male victims of partner violence, in: American Journal of Men’s Health, 1 2007, 269-277.
This study investigates mental health symptoms among female and male victims of intimate partner violence (IPV). More than 570 university students completed surveys that measured past IPV victimization and mental health symptoms. Cluster analyses were conducted to categorize frequency of victimization (high vs. low). Multivariate statistical analyses revealed that reporting higher number of mental health symptoms was significantly related to experiencing higher levels of IPV victimization but not to gender (female or male). This study found no statistically significant gender differences in reporting symptoms of anxiety, depression, hostility, or somatization among participants who reported high IPV victimization. The results have implications for practitioners who provide services to female and male victims of partner violence.
122.) U. Smartt, H. Kury: Domestic violence: Comparative analysis of German and UK research findings, in: Social Science Quarterly, 88(5) 2007, 1263-1280.
The authors explore the shift in cultural beliefs affecting male dominance in the family setting, how public attitudes to domestic violence have changed, and how law enforcement agencies are now dealing with violence within the family in both countries.
123.) M .J. Munoz-Rivas, J. L. Grana, K. D. O’Leary, M. P. Gonzalez: Aggression in adolescent dating relationships: prevalence, justification, and health consequences, in: Journal of Adolescent Health, 40 2007, 298-304.
The results showed that a significantly higher percentage of women engaged in verbal aggression (95.3% vs. 92.8%), whereas the males engaged in more severe physical aggression (4.6% vs. 2.0%) and produced worse consequences for their female partners’ health (especially slight cuts/slight bruises, broken nose, black eye, broken bone and requiring medical treatment/hospitalization). Justification for aggression also revealed differential results. Whereas women said they attacked their partners while under the influence of emotional states of intense anger (22.4% vs. 13.9%), the males said they did so in response to aggression received (13.0% vs. 6.6%). The analysis of the group differences as a function of age showed that verbal aggression was very high and was not different across the age groups. In contrast, physical aggression decreased significantly across the age groups, but health consequences became more severe with age (e.g., broken nose, black eye, broken bone, went from 1% at 16 years to 4.5% at 20 years of age).
124.) D. A. Hines, J. Brown, E. Dunning: Characteristics of callers to the domestic abuse helpline for men, in: Journal of Family violence, 22 2007, 63-72.
Intimate partner violence (IPV) by women against men has been the subject of much debate. Feminists typically argue that IPV is committed only by men against women. Others argue that violence is a human problem and women also commit much IPV. To resolve these debates, IPV has been classified into two categories: common couple violence captured by population-based studies, and patriarchal terrorism, captured by studies of battered women. This typology ignores male victims of extreme IPV. The current study addresses this omission by describing 190 male callers to the Domestic Abuse Helpline for Men. All callers experienced physical abuse from their female partners, and a substantial minority feared their wives‘ violence and were stalked. Over 90% experienced controlling behaviors, and several men reported frustrating experiences with the domestic violence system. Callers‘ reports indicated that their female abusers had a history of trauma, alcohol/drug problems, mental illness, and homicidal and suicidal ideations.
125.) E. L. Hettrich, K. D. O’Leary: Females‘ reasons for their physical aggression in dating relationships, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 22 2007, 1131-1143.
Approximately 32% of dating college females reported that they engaged in physical aggression against their partners and that they engaged in acts of physical aggression more often than their male partners engaged in aggression against them.
126.) T. I. Herrenkohl, R. Kosterman, W. A. Mason, J. D. Hawkins: Youth Violence Trajectories and Proximal Characteristics of Intimate Partner Violence, in: Violence and Victims, 22(3) 2007, 259-274.
Findings suggest that both chronic and late-increaser patterns of youth violence elevated the likelihood of later IPV perpetration. Partial mediation effects of the relation between youth violence and IPV were found for variables related to one’s partner and the surrounding community. Individual characteristics of the perpetrator were not uniquely predictive of IPV when measured as a risk index and modeled along with other risk factors. Findings indicate that the risk of IPV could be lessened by addressing earlier forms of violence and by intervening to reduce risks within and across domains of influence.
127.) J. Hamel: Toward a gender-inclusive conception of intimate partner violence research and theory: Part 1-traditional perspectives, in: International Journal of Men’s Health, 6 2007, 36-54.
However, IPV research has, until very recently, almost exclusively been concerned with the physical and psychological abuse of women by their male partners, and has ignored or marginalized alternative lines of research that suggest female-perpetrated partner abuse is a significant social problem. The reluctance to investigate these issues in an objective and scientific manner has been due to the prevailing patriarchal conception of intimate partner violence, a paradigm based on radical feminist sociopolitical ideology. In this paper, neglected lines of research are reviewed, including studies conducted in the 1980s and 1990s on offender personalities, self-defense, the effects of IPV and other contextual factors, emotional abuse and control, and the dynamics of high-conflict and violent couples.
128.) D. K. Eaton, K. S. Davis, L. Barrios, N. D. Brener, R. K. Noonan: Associations of dating violence victimization with lifetime participation, co-occurrence, and early initiation of risk behaviors among U. S. high school students, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 22 2007, 585-602.
This study examined the association of victimization in a physically violent dating relationship with risk behaviors, age of risk behavior initiation, and co-occurrence of risk behaviors among students in grades 9 through 12 in the United States. Data were from the 2003 national Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS). Nearly 9% of students reported experiencing dating violence victimization.
129.) Leonor Rivera-Rivera et al.: Prevalence and correlates of adolescent dating violence: Baseline study of a cohort of 7960 male and female Mexican public school students, in: Preventive Medicine, 44(6) 2007 477-484.
Prevalence of dating violence victimization was 9.37% (female) and 8.57% (male) for psychological violence; 9.88% (female) and 22.71% (male) for physical violence, and 8.63% (female) and 15.15% (male) for both psychological and physical violence.
130.) Mirja Silkenbeumer: Bedingungen, Funktionen und Folgen von Gewaltausübung bei weiblichen Jugendlichen. Konsequenzen für die Gewaltpräfention, in: Kinder als Täter, Berlin: Eigenverlag 2006, 24-47.
Die Gewalt, die Mädchen ausüben, stößt seit den 1990er Jahren zunehmend auf öffentliches Interesse und mediale Aufmerksamkeit. Vielfältige Verstrickungen von Mädchen in Gewaltsituationen als (Mit-)Täterinnen, als Beobachtende, als nicht unmittelbar Beteiligte (bystander) und als Opfer sind zunehmend in den Blick der deutschsprachigen Gewalt- und Aggressionsforschung gerückt. Die empirische Wissensbasis über das vielschichtige Phänomen „Mädchengewalt“ und über weibliche Gewaltakzeptanz ist bislang äußerst schmal und die theoretische Diskussion zur Entwicklung von Gewaltakzeptanz und Gewalttätigkeit bei Mädchen steht noch am Anfang.
131.) University of Florida News, 2006.
GAINESVILLE, Fla. — Women are more likely than men to stalk, attack and psychologically abuse their partners, according to a University of Florida study that finds college women have a new view of the dating scene.
132.) J. Archer: Cross cultural differences in physical aggression between partners: A social-role analysis, in: Personality & Social Psychology Review, 10 2006, 133-153.
In developed western nations, both sexes commit acts of physical aggression against their partners. Data from 16 nations showed that this pattern did not generalize to all nations. The magnitude and direction of the sex difference was highly correlated with national-level variations in gender empowerment and individualism-collectivism. As gender equality and individualism increased, the sex difference in partner violence moved in the direction of lesserfemale victimization and greater male victimization.
133.) D. Dutton, K. Corvo: Transforming a flawed policy: A call to revive psychology and science in domestic violence research and practice, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 11 2006, 457-483.
Intimate partner violence (IPV) continues to be social problem in the United States. Unfortunately, legislation aimed at solving the problem has been based on models of IPV that are not empirically supported. One example is “psychoeducational” intervention models legislated by the courts in many states. These models eschew psychological treatment even of empirically established factors supporting habits of intimate abusiveness. They have, in effect, removed a psychology of abusiveness from intervention and replaced it with a gender political model. In contrast to this model, research from several longitudinal peer cohort studies shows that a propensity for IPV is predictable in both genders during adolescence. Yet treatment or prevention of psychological risk factors is either neglected or negatively legislated. This paper reviews the prevailing criminal justice intervention model, provides examples of how the paradigm supporting this model distorts interpretation of research and compares this flawed research with methodologically superior studies suggesting a different and potentially more effective approach.
134.) J. Du Plat-Jones: Domestic violence: the role of health professionals, in: Nursing Standard, 21(14) 2006, 14-16; 44-48.
135.) D. G. Dutton: Rethinking Domestic Violence. Vancouver: UBC Press 2006.
136.) R. B. Felson: Is violence against women about women or about violence?, in: Contexts, 5 2006, 21-25.
Homicide research does show that women are more likely to kill in self-defense than men, but police investigators attribute only 10 percent of homicides committed by wives to self-defense; women kill their husbands for a variety of reasons. In addition, the women who kill their husbands are not usually sweet and innocent…. A gender perspective implies that men use violence against their wives to maintain their dominance. However, the accompanying table suggests that husbands are no more controlling than wives, and are perhaps less so.
137.) Murray A. Straus: Dominance and Symmetry in Partner Violence by Male and Female University Students in 32 Nations, Paper presented at conference on Trends In Intimate Violence Intervention, sponsored by the University of Haifa and New York University. New York University, 2006.
The study investigated the widely held belief that violence against partners in marital, cohabiting, and dating relationships is almost entirely perpetrated by men, and that when women assault their partners, it has a different etiology than assaults by men. The empirical data on these issues were provided by 13,601 university students who participated in the International Dating Violence Study in 32 nations. The results in the first part of this paper show that almost a third of the female as well as male students physically assaulted a dating partner in the 12 month study period, and that the most frequent pattern was mutuality in violence, i.e. both were violent, followed by “female-only” violence.
138.) Birgit Herz: Mädchengewalt. Beobachtungen zu einem aktuellen Phänomen, in: Praxis Gemeindepädagogik, 59 2006, 44-48.
139.) R. Cogan, B. C. Ballinger III: Alcohol problems and the differentiation of partner, stranger, and general violence, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 21 (7) 2006, 924-935.
To explore the relationship between alcohol problems and physical violence with partners and strangers, 457 college men and 958 college women with low, intermediate, or high scores on the Short Michigan Alcohol Screening Test reported conflict tactics on the Conflict Tactics Scale in the past year to and by partners and strangers. More men than women had high alcohol problems scores. Men with alcohol problems were more likely than other men to commit violence toward strangers or to partners and strangers. However, men with alcohol problems were not more likely than other men to commit violence toward partners only. Among women, alcohol problems had little relationship to committing violence or being the victim of violence.
140.) M. A. Straus: Future research on gender symmetry in physical assaults on partners, in: Violence Against Women, 12 2006, 1086-1097.
In the light of evidence from about 200 studies showing gender symmetry in perpetration of partner assault, research can now focus on why gender symmetry is predominant and on the implications of symmetry for primary prevention and treatment of partner violence. Progress in such research is handicapped by a number of problems: (1) Insufficient empirical research and a surplus of discussion and theory, (2) Blinders imposed by commitment to a single causal factor theory—patriarchy and male dominance—in the face of overwhelming evidence that this is only one of a multitude of causes, (3) Research purporting to investigate gender differences but which obtains data on only one gender, (4) Denial of research grants to projects that do not assume most partner violence is by male perpetrators, (5) Failure to investigate primary prevention and treatment programs for female offenders, and (6) Suppression of evidence on female perpetration by both researchers and agencies.
141.) Patrick McKenry, Julianne Serovich, Tina Mason, Katie Mosack: Perpetration of Gay and Lesbian Partner Violence: A Disempowerment Perspective, in: Journal of Family Violence, 21 2006, 233-243.
Gay men and lesbians may experience domestic violence at rates as high as, or higher than heterosexuals, yet there is a noticeable absence of empirical research investigating this phenomenon. This study investigated same-sex partner violence from a disempowerment perspective to determine the influence of (a) individual characteristics, (b) family of origin factors, and (c) intimate relationship factors. A sample of 77 individuals in distressed relationships (40 gay men and 37 lesbians) were administered a series of quantitative measures in our project office. Data primarily were analyzed using two-way ANOVAs (gender × perpetrator of violence). The greatest number of differences between perpetrators and nonperpetrators was found in individual characteristics. Implications for practitioners working with gay men and lesbians experiencing partner violence are discussed.
142.) Susanna Merlis, Deanna Linville: Exploring a Community’s Response to Lesbian Domestic Violence Through the Voices of Providers: A Qualitative study, in: Anne Prouty Lyness (Hg.): Lesbian Families‘ Challenges and Means of Resiliency. Implications for Feminist Family Therapy, USA: The Haworth Press 2006, 97-136.
As the model illustrates, protecting the romantic ideal of the lesbian community and disunity were the causal conditions that led to the development of the phenomenon of lessening the load on the lesbian community. Participants viewed lessening as a set of actions taken by the Community in response to domestic violence.
143.) Joanna Bunker Rohrbaugh: Domestic Violence in Same-Gender Relationships, in: Family Court Review, 44(2) 2006, 287-299.
Physical violence occurs in 11–12% of same-gender couples, which suggests that domestic violence is an abuse of power that can happen in any type of intimate relationship, regardless of gender or sexual orientation. Although incidents of violence occur at the same rate in same-gender couples and cross-gender couples, the violence appears to be milder in same-gender couples and it is unclear what percentage of same-gender violence should be characterized as abuse or intimate terrorism. Same-gender victims also suffer from the additional stress of severe isolation and the abuser’s threats to expose the victim’s sexual orientation in a hostile manner.
144.) K. Henning, B. Renauer, R. Holdford: Victim or offender? Heterogeneity among women arrested for intimate partner violence, in: Journal of Family Violence, 21(6) 2006, 351-368.
Mandatory arrest laws for intimate partner violence (IPV) have increased both the number and proportion of arrests that involve female defendants. Whether these numbers should be as high as they are remains a source of controversy. Most practitioners argue that women are usually arrested for defensive actions used in the face of assaults perpetrated by their spouse/partner. Others believe that these higher arrest rates more accurately reflect the true prevalence of physical aggression perpetrated by women. One way to help clarify this debate is to take a closer look at the women charged with IPV. The present study used self-reported information and criminal justice records on prior aggression to classify 485 women convicted of IPV into four distinct subtypes (i.e., no prior violence, primary victim, primary aggressor, and primary aggressor not identified). Despite the fact that all of these women were arrested for and convicted of IPV, analyses consistently found that few of the women could be considered as the primary aggressor in their relationship. Nor, however, were all of the women classified as primary victims. Methodological issues are discussed as well as the policy, practice, and research implications of this study.
145.) S. G. O’Leary, A. M. S. Slep: Precipitants of Partner Aggression, in: Journal of Family Psychology, 20 2006, 344-347.
Self-reported precipitants of psychological and physical partner aggression were examined in a community sample of 453 cohabiting couples with 3- to 7-year-old children. Partners precipitated most partner aggression. Men, but not maritally discordant men, were more likely than women to cite physical partner aggression as the precipitant of their own aggression. Women, including maritally discordant women, were more likely to endorse partner verbal than partner physical aggression as a precipitant for their own mild physical aggression, which is consistent with women’s aggression escalation. Nonaggressive partner precipitants were common and deserve future research attention.
146.) R. Luthra & C. A. Gidycz: Dating violence among college men and women, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 21 2006, 717-731.
A sample of 200 college students completes assessments concerning the occurrence of violence in their dating relationships. The incidence of self-reported partner violence is 25% for women and 10% for men.
147.) J. A. Schumacher, K. E. Leonard: Husbands‘ and wives‘ marital adjustment, verbal aggression, and physical aggression as longitudinal predictors of physical aggression in early marriage, in: Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 73 2005, 28-37.
Marital adjustment, verbal aggression, and physical aggression have long been associated in the marital literature, but the nature of their associations remains unclear. In this study, the authors examined these 3 constructs as risk factors for physical aggression during the first 2 years of marriage in 634 couples recruited as they applied for marriage licenses. Couples completed assessments at the time of marriage and at their 1st and 2nd anniversaries. Results of path analyses suggest that prior verbal aggression and physical aggression by both partners are important longitudinal predictors of physical aggression but do not support the role of marital adjustment as a unique predictor of subsequent physical aggression. Contrary to prior research, results also failed to support physical aggression as a unique predictor of marital adjustment.
148.) M. A. Straus: Women’s violence toward men is a serious social problem, in: D. R. Loseke, R. J. Gelles, M. M. Cavanaugh (Hg.): Current Controversies on Family Violence, 2nd Edition, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage 2005, 55-77.
149.) M. K. Holt, D. L. Espelange: Social support as a moderator between dating violence victimization and depression/anxiety among African American and Caucasian adolescents, in: School Psychology Review, 14 2005, 309-328.
Youth completed self-report measures of victimization in dating relationships, psychological functioning, and perceived familial and peer social support. Results indicated that 37% reported physical dating violence and 62% reported emotional abuse in dating relationships.
150.) D. Dutton: Domestic Abuse Assessment in Child Custody Disputes: Beware the Domestic Violence Research Paradigm, in: Journal of Child Custody, 2(4) 2005, 23-42.
Males are represented as primary perpetrators of physical abuse although data from meta-analytic studies show otherwise. Indirect aggression is scarcely mentioned in the literature, although prevalent in research on aggression. Physical violence directed towards children is actually more likely to be mother-perpetrated. Child safety may be compromised if attention is focused solely on the possibility of abuse from a male perpetrator.
151.) L. B. Dutton-Greene, M. A. Straus: The relationship between gender hostility and partner violence and injury, Paper presented at the 9th International Family Violence Research Conference, Portsmouth, NH 2005.
This study examined the role of hostility toward the other sex (HTOS) in sexual coercion of a relationship partner among a sample of female and male students from universities in 19 nations. Women’s scores on the hostility toward men scale were slightly higher than men’s scores on the hostility toward women scale. 14.9% of females and 21.9% of males reported at least one instance of insisting on sexual activity in the past year, .9% of females and 1.0% of males reported using threats, 1.7% of females and 2.9% of males reported using force. Multinomial logistic regressions revealed that, for both women and men, HTOS is related to sexually coercive behaviors but increasingly so for more severe sexual aggression. These results parallel those from research on partner violence that distinguishes between the etiology of common couple violence and intimate terrorism.
152.) R. B. Felson, P. Pare: The reporting of domestic violence and sexual assault by nonstrangers to the police, in: Journal of Marriage and Family, 67 2005, 597-610.
The analyses are based on a sample of 6,291 physical assaults and 1,787 sexual assaults from the National Violence Against Women Survey. The results suggest that victims are just as likely to report domestic assaults as they are to report assaults by other people they know. Male victims are particularly reluctant to report assaults by their intimate partners, whereas third parties are particularly unlikely to report assaults by partners of either gender.
153.) D. M. Fergusson, L. J. Horwood, E. M. Ridder: Partner violence and mental health outcomes in a New Zealand birth cohort, in: Journal of Marriage and Family, 67 2005, 1103-1119.
A total of 828 young people (437 women and 391 men) were interviewed about the domestic violence victimization and violence perpetration in their current or most recent partner relationship. Key findings of the study were (a) domestic conflict was present in 70% of relationships, with this conflict ranging from minor psychological abuse to severe assault; (b) men and women reported similar experiences of victimization and perpetration of domestic violence; and (c) exposure to domestic violence was significantly related to increased risks of major depression (p < .05) and suicidal ideation (p < .005) even after extensive control for covariates.
154.) N. Graham-Kevan, J. Archer: Using Johnson’s domestic violence typology to classify men and women in a non-selected sample, Paper presented at the 9th Annual Family Violence Research Conference, Portsmouth, NH 2005.
This study assessed whether the typology would be found in a sample of 1350 respondents unselected for partner violence. Measures of physical aggression and its escalation, injuries, and control, were obtained from both victims and perpetrators. Replicating previous methods it was found that a simple two-cluster solution failed to create the distinct categories found previously. A three-cluster solution was found to improve the discriminatory ability. Partner reports were found to produce a clearer typological profile than self-reports.
155.) V. B. Titterington, L. Harper: Women as the aggressors in intimate partner homicide in Houston, 1980s to 1990s, in: Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 41(4) 2005, 83-98.
The purpose of this study was to inform the ongoing quest for efficacious treatment of domestically violent women by (a) describing their representation in cases of intimate partner homicide over the period of 1985-1999 in Houston, Texas, and (b) by utilizing a measure known as the spousal sex ratio of killing (SROK), determining variation in this female offending by race/ethnicity and whether the relationship was registered or defacto.
156.) Bastian Schwithal: Weibliche Gewalt in Partnerschaften. Eine synontologische Untersuchung, Dissertation, Books on Demand 2005.
Männer und Frauen weisen bei physischer und psychischer Gewalt vergleichbare Raten auf. In bezug auf sexuelle Gewaltformen werden Frauen in stärkerem Maße viktimisiert. Jedoch macht die genauere Untersuchung auch deutlich, dass Männer ebenfalls zu einem erheblichen Anteil Opfer sexueller Gewalt von Frauen werden. Frauen erleiden Verletzungen etwas häufiger als Männer. Im Hinblick auf die psychologischen Folgen von Gewalthandlungen ähneln sich die Erfahrungen von Männern und Frauen, sowohl im Ausmaß, als auch der Art der psychologischen Beschwerden.
157.) S. L. Williams, I. Frieze: Courtship behaviors, relationship violence, and breakup persistence in college men and women, in: Psychology of Women Quarterly, 29 2005, 248-257.
This study assessed college men’s (n = 85) and women’s (n = 215) courtship persistence behaviors (approach, surveillance, intimidation, mild aggression), which have been linked to stalking, and examined their relations to initial courtship interest, relationship development, and future violence and persistence, while also exploring the role of gender in these relations. Findings showed individuals performed surveillance when initially more interested than the other. Whereas approach behaviors were positively associated with relationship establishment, surveillance and intimidation were negatively associated. As predicted, results showed continuity in persistence and violence over the course of dating relationships. For both genders, courtship mild aggression predicted relationship violence, and persistence behaviors predicted similar persistence at breakup. Early behaviors may foreshadow violence and stalking-related behaviors in both men and women.
158.) Suzanne Swan, Laura Gambone, Alice Fields: Technical Report for “An Empirical Examination of a Theory of Women’s Use of Violence in Intimate Relationships”, 2005.
Women’s use of violence in intimate relationships is an issue that is not well understood. Over 100 studies have found that women self-report as much perpetration of violent behavior as men (Straus, 1999). These findings have generated a great deal of controversy, in part because there has been no theoretical framework advanced to explain women’s violence and because issues of coercive control have not been considered or measured until recently. Several reports have appeared recently in the popular press, concluding that women, after all, are just as violent as men.
159.) D. G. Dutton, T. L. Nicholls: The gender paradigm in domestic violence research and theory: the conflict of theory and data, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 10 2005, 680-714.
Feminist theory of intimate violence is critically reviewed in the light of data from numerous incidence studies reporting levels of violence by female perpetrators higher than those reported for males, particularly in younger age samples. A critical analysis of the methodology of these studies is made with particular reference to the Conflict Tactics Scale developed and utilised by Straus and his colleagues. Results show that the gender disparity in injuries from domesticviolence is less than originally portrayed by feminist theory.
160.) D. Laroche: Aspects of the context and consequences of domestic violence—Situational couple violence and intimate terrorism in Canada in 1999, in: Quebec City: Government of Quebec Table 8, 2005, 16.
The five-year prevalence rates per 1,000 for domestic violence committed by a current or previous spouse/partner were 70 in women (685,900 victims) and 61 in men (542,900 victims). The similarity in prevalence rates may in large part be due to the fact that violence between spouses constitutes a largely bidirectional or mutual phenomenon, as indicated by a number of studies (Ehrensaft et al., 2003: 745, 749-750; Kwong et al., 2003: 294-295; Capaldi & Owen, 2001: 431; Kwong et al., 1999: 155; Magdol et al., 1997: 73; Morse, 1995: 263; Straus, 1993: 74; Brush, 1990: 61).
161.) M. Tardif, N. Auclair, M. Jacob & J .Carpentier: Sexual abuse perpetrated by adult and juvenile females: An ultimate attempt to resolve a conflict associated with maternal identity, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 29 2005, 153-167.
Since 1992, clinical and evaluative data were collected from a sample of 13 AF and 15 JF who had committed sexual abuse. The subjects were evaluated in the program for adult and adolescent sex offenders at the outpatient clinic of the Centre de Psychiatrie Légale de Montréal (affiliated with the Institut Philippe Pinel de Montréal). The data were collected by a multidisciplinary team of clinicians: psychiatrists, psychologists, criminologists and sexologists. A team of two or three clinicians who utilized a standardized interview grid evaluated each subject.
162.) Amy M. Smith Slep, Susan G. O’Leary: Parent and Partner Violence in Families With Young Children: Rates, Patterns, and Connections, in: Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 73(3) 2005, 435-444.
We compared prevalences across victim (partner vs. child) within gender of perpetrator and across gender of perpetrator within relationship to victim using chi-square tests of association for paired data (Glass & Hopkins, 1984). Both men and women were (a) more likely to engage in any physical aggression against their children than against their partners: (men: 68% vs. 37%), x²(1, N=453)=89.09, p<.001;4 (women: 78% vs. 44%), x²(1, N=453)=116.46, p<.001, and (b) more likely to engage in severe aggression against their partners than against their children: (men: 14% vs. 7%), x²(1, N=453)=13.16, p<.001; (women: 20% vs. 14%), x²(1, N=453)=32.00, p<.001. Women were more likely than men to engage in any, as well as in severe, partner aggression and in any parent aggression, x²(1, N=453)=14.63, 13.16, and 15.94, respectively, ps<.001, but men and women did not differ in the prevalence of severe parent aggression, x²(1, N=453)=0.49, ns.
163.) Barbara Krahé, Steffen Bieneck, and Ingrid Möller: Understanding Gender and Intimate Partner Violence from an International Perspective, in: Sex Roles, 52 2005, DOI: 10.1007/s11199-005-4201-0
There is a growing awareness that the traditional perspective looking at women as victims and men as perpetrators of intimate partner violence needs to be expanded by considering the possibility of male victimization and female perpetration.
164.) Kimberly F. Balsam, Theodore P. Beauchaine, Esther D. Rothblum: Victimization Over the Life Span: A Comparison of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Heterosexual Siblings, in: Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 73(3) 2005, 477-487.
165.) J. J. Cercone, S. R. H. Beach & I. Arias: Gender Symmetry in Dating Intimate Partner Violence: Does Behavior Imply Similar Constructs?, in: Violence and Victims, 20(2) 2005, 207-218.
166.) M. Cui, F. Lorenz, R. D. Conger, J. N. Melby & C. M. Bryant: Observer, Self-, and partner reports of hostile behaviors in romantic relationships, in: Journal of Marriage and Family, 67 2005, 1169-1181.
167.) Michael Soyka: Wenn Frauen töten: psychiatrische Annäherung an das Phänomen weiblicher Gewalt, Schattauer Verlag 2005, 10.
Straftaten, vor allem Gewalttaten wie Mord und Totschlag, werden überwiegend mit dem männlichen Geschlecht in Verbindung gebracht – nicht zu Unrecht. DAbei haben aber GFrauen in den letzten Jahrzehnten in manchen Bereichen deutlich aufgeholt. Die jährlich erscheinende polizeiliche Kriminalstatistik bietet dazu reichlich Erkenntnisse.
168.) D. G. Dutton, T. L. Nicholls & A. Spidel: Female perpetrators of intimate abuse, in: Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 41(4) 2005, 1-31.
A review is made of female intimate abuse. It is concluded that females are as abusive as males in intimate relationships according to survey and epidemiological studies. This is especially so for younger “cohort” community samples followed longitudinally.
169.) R. B. Felson, A. C. Cares: Gender and the seriousness of assaults on intimate partners and other victims, in: Journal of Marriage and Family, 67(5) 2005, 182-195.
We examine the ways in which assaults committed by male intimate partners are more serious than assaults committed by female partners and whether these differences reflect gender differences in offending and victimization generally. Analyses of the National Violence Against Women and Men Survey (N =6,480) show that, in general, gender effects do not depend on the victim’s relationship to the offender. Regardless of their relationship (a) men cause more injuries; (b) women suffer more injuries although their injuries tend to be less severe; (c) victims are more fearful of male offenders but only if the offenders are unarmed; and (d) men are particularly likely to precipitate assaults by other men, not their female partners. Violent husbands do assault with particularly high frequency but so do women who assault family members.
170.) Amy Holtzworth-Munroe: Male Versus Female Intimate Partner Violence: Putting Controversial Findings Into Context, in: Journal of Marriage and Family, 67(5) 2005, 1120-1125.
Thus, it is important to note that the present study did not directly compare the correlates and predictors of male versus female violence. Ultimately, we need to understand whether similar theories adequately explain both male and women in violent relationships are usually understood to be consequences of victimization. In summary, longitudinal studies, examining mental health before and after both the onset and desistance of violence, among both men and women, are needed to fully address this issue. Similarly, including PTSD as a psychological disorder of interest will be important in such future research.
171.) J. Hamel: Gender Inclusive Treatment of Intimate Partner Abuse, New York: Springer 2005.
Rich with research that shows women are abusive within relationships at rates comparable to men, the book echews the field’s reliance on traditional domestic violence theory and treatment, which favors violence interventions for men and victim services for women and ignores the dynamics of the majority of violent relationships.
172.) A. Holtzworth-Munroe: Female perpetration of physical aggression against an intimate partner: A controversial new topic of study, in: Violence and Victims, 20 2005, 253–261.
In the mid-1980s, when I began conducting research on marital violence, it was politically incorrect to even consider studying female aggression. Battered women’s advocates had been working long and hard to draw attention to the problem of male violence, to get the criminal justice system to take the problem seriously and to provide protection to battered women, and to establish safe shelters for battered women. Feminist theories of relationship violence were prevalent, focusing on male aggression as a socially sanctioned means for men to control and dominate women in our patriarchal country (e.g., Dobash & Dobash, 1979).
173.) S. L. Williams, I. H. Frieze: Patterns of violent relationship, psychological distress, and marital satisfaction in national sample of men and women, in: Sex Roles, 52 2005, 771-785.
This paper examined six patterns of violent relationships (severe and mild victimization, perpetration, and mutual violence) and their associations with psychosocial outcomes in men and women (N = 3, 519) using data from the National Comorbidity Survey. Violence patterns most frequently reported included mild and severe violence performed by both relationship partners. Some gender differences in frequency of patterns emerged. Main results showed gender differences and some similarities in associations between violence patterns and negative psychosocial outcomes. Women’s victimization, regardless of severity, was more strongly related to psychosocial outcomes than men’s.
174.) K. Henning, B. Renauer: Prosecution of women arrested for intimate partner abuse, in: Violence and Victims, 20(3) 2005, 171-189.
Increasing arrests of women for domestic violence (DV) in the wake of mandatory arrest laws have generated significant concern among victim advocates, researchers, and practitioners. It is commonly believed that many, if not most, of the women arrested are victims who were acting in self-defense. Understanding how these cases are handled by prosecutors and judges is important if we wish to minimize the negative consequences of these errant arrests. The present study examines factors prosecutors in a large southern city considered when accepting or rejecting DV cases involving female defendants. The results indicate that almost one half (47%) of the cases involving women arrested for DV against a heterosexual intimate partner were rejected by prosecutors; another 16% were dismissed by a judge. Legal factors like a defendant’s prior criminal arrests, use of a weapon, victim injury, and, most important, the type of arrest (i.e., dual vs. single arrest) all affected prosecutors‘ decisions to take these cases. Female defendants arrested for offending against a male intimate partner were treated more leniently than male defendants and women arrested for domestic offenses involving other types of relationships (i.e., familial, homosexual). The results highlight the need for a further study of officers‘ arrest decisions in cases involving heterosexual intimate partners.
175.) Jennifer Langhirnrichsen-Rohling: Top 10 Greatest “Hits” Important Findings and Future Directions for Intimate Partner Violence Research, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 20(1) 2005, 108-118.
In this article, the author highlights her choice of the 10 most important recent findings from the intimate partner violence research literature, which include (a) the creation of the Conflict Tactics Scale; (b) the finding that violent acts are most often perpetrated by intimates; (c) a series of findings that indicate that women also engage in intimate partner violence;
176.) Erika L. Lichter, and Laura A. McCloskey: The Effects of Childhood Exposure to Marital Violence on Adolescent Gender-Role Beliefs and Dating Violence, in: Psychology of Women Quarterly, 28 2004, 344-357.
Overall, girls reported higher levels of both perpetration and victimization in their dating relationships during the previous year compared to boys. Girls‘ mean weighted victimization and perpetration scores were .66 (SD = 1.21) and .59 (SD = 1.67), respectively. Mean victimization and perpetration scores for boys were .40 (SD = .91) and .30 (SD = .85).
177.) M. Brogden, S. K. Nijhar: Abuse of adult males in intimate partner relationships in Northern Ireland, study commissioned by the Office of the First and Deputy First Minister of the Northern Ireland Assembly, 2004.
The study revealed that the experiences of male victims in Northern Ireland were similar to those reported in studies in other local jurisdictions. Male respondents reported a variety of abuse – from emotional to serious physical assault, including occasional serious sexual assaults by their female partner.
178.) M. K. Ehrensaft, T. E. Moffitt, A. Caspi: Clinically abusive relationships in an unselected birth cohort: Men’s and women’s participation and developmental antecedents, in: Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 113 2004, 258-271.
In an unselected birth cohort (N=980, age 24-26 years), individuals in abusive relationships causing injury and/or official intervention (9% prevalence) were compared with participants reporting physical abuse without clinical consequences and with control participants who reported no abuse, on current characteristics and prospective developmental risks. In nonclinically abusive relationships, perpetrators were primarily women. In clinically abusive relationships, men and women used physical abuse, although more women needed medical treatment for injury. Women in clinically abusive relationships had childhood family adversity, adolescent conduct problems, and aggressive personality; men had disinhibitory psychopathology since childhood and extensive personality deviance. These findings counter the hibitory assumption that if clinical abuse was ascertained in epidemiological samples, it would be primarily man-to-woman, explained by patriarchy rather than psychopathology.
179.) M. A. Straus: Prevalence of violence against dating partners by male and female university students worldwide, in: Violence Against Women, 10 2004, 790-811.
This article presents rates of violence against dating partners by students at 31 universities in 16 countries (5 in Asia and the Middle East, 2 in Australia-New Zealand, 6 in Europe, 2 in Latin America, 16 in North America). Assault and injury rates are presented for males and females at each of the 31 universities. At the median university,29% of the students physically assaulted a dating partner in the previous 12 months (range = 17% to 45%) and 7% had physically injured a partner (range = 2%to 20%). The results reveal both important differences and similarities between universities. Perhaps the most important similarity is the high rate of assault perpetrated by both male and female students in all the countries.
180.) S. Sarantakos: Deconstructing self-defense in wife-to-husband violence, in: Journal of Men’s Studies, 12(3) 2004, 277-296.
Members of 68 families with allegedly violent wives were studied to explore the nature of women’s violence at home and to ascertain whether wives assault their spouses in self-defense. Accounts of children and the wives’ mothers were contrasted with husbands’ and wives’ accounts to ensure a high degree of accuracy of the assessment of the problem and to test the validity of the spouses’ accounts. Qualitative analysis revealed that the credibility of the wives’ accounts of violence was highly questionable and a justification of self-defense for female-to-male violence was unfounded in a majority of cases.
181.) S. A. Kaura, C. M. Allan: Dissatisfaction with relationship power and dating violence perpetration by men and women, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 19 2004, 576-588.
A sample of 352 male and 296 female undergraduate college students completed a dating violence survey, including selected subscales from the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2) and the Relationship Power Scale. Findings show that relationship power dissatisfaction is associated with the use of violence in dating relationships for both men and women. However, parental violence emerged as an even stronger predictor of dating violence perpetration. Findings also indicate that male perpetration of dating violence is related to mother’s violence, whereas female perpetration of dating violence is related to father’s violence.
182.) K. Graham, M. Plant: Alcohol, gender and partner aggression: a general population study of British adults, in: Addiction Research and Theory, 12 2004, 385-401.
This study explored gender differences in the extent that alcohol affects the perceived severity of partner aggression, and assessed the relationship between partner aggression and drinking pattern. Respondents were asked questions related to their own drinking pattern and the most severe incident of physical aggression experienced by and to a spouse/romantic partner during the previous two years as part of a general population survey of 2027 adults in the UK conducted by interviewers using both oral and computer-assisted question format.
183.) M. S. Denov: The Long-Terms Effect of Child Sexual Abuse by Female Perpetrators. A Qualitative Study of Male and Female Victims, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 19(10) 2004, 1137-1156.
Although the long-term effects of sexual abuse by men have been studied extensively, minimal research has explored the effects of sexual abuse by women. This qualitative study explores the experience and long-term impact of sexual abuse by women. The data were derived from in-depth interviews with 14 adult victims (7 men, 7 women) of child sexual abuse by females. Most respondents reported severe sexual abuse by their mothers. The vast majority of participants reported that the experience of female-perpetrated sexual abuse was harmful and damaging. As a result of the sexual abuse, male and female respondents reported long-term difficulties with substance abuse, self-injury, suicide, depression, rage, strained relationships with women, self-concept and identity issues, and a discomfort with sex. In light of the popular and professional perceptions that sexual abuse by women is relatively harmless as compared to sexual abuse by men, the implications of these long-termeffects are discussed, particularly in relation to professionals working in the area of child sexual abuse.
184.) Deborah S. Boroughs: Female sexual abusers of children, in: Children and Youth Services Review, 26(5) 2004, 481-487.
In 1996, the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect (NCCAN) investigated more than two million reports alleging maltreatment of more than three million children. More than one million of these children were identified as victims of abuse. Of the one million children, 12% were sexually abused. The sexual abuse of children by women, primarily mothers, once thought to be so rare it could be ignored, constituted 25% (approximately 36 000 children) of the sexually abused victims. This statistic is thought to be underestimated due to the tendency of non-disclosure by victims. This paper examines the statistical data regarding sexual abuse by women, the psychological profiles of these women, how and why society excuses female abusers, the impact on the sexually abused children, and available treatments for the perpetrators.
185.) S. Basile: Comparison of abuse by same and opposite-gender litigants as cited in requests for abuse prevention orders, in: Journal of Family Violence, 19 2004, 59-68.
Despite widespread misconceptions that tend to minimize female abuse, examination of these court documents shows that male and female defendants, who were the subject of a complaint in domestic relation cases, while sometimes exhibiting different aggressive tendencies, measured almost equally abusive in terms of the overall level of psychological and physical aggression.“>Despite widespread misconceptions that tend to minimize female abuse, examination of these court documents shows that male and female defendants, who were the subject of a complaint in domestic relation cases, while sometimes exhibiting different aggressive tendencies, measured almost equally abusive in terms of the overall level of psychological and physical aggression.
186.) Alan Listiak: Resources and bibliography on female sexual deviance and sexually abusive/criminal behavior 2004.
187.) Birgit Herz: Mädchengewalt. Annäherung an ein aktuelles Phänomen jugendlicher Delinquenz, in: Pädagogik (Weinheim), 56 2004, 37-41.
Wie viele Mädchen werden gewalttätig? Wie kommt es dazu? Was bedeutet die Gewalttätigkeit in dieser Form? Über Sozialisationsursachen, Forschungsstand und sinnvolle pädagogische Maßnahmen berichtet dieser Beitrag.
188.) G. Brown: Gender as a factor in the response of the law-enforcement system to violence against partners, in: Sexuality and Culture, 8(3-4) 2004, 3-139.
However, in at least one important respect, these policy initiatives diverge substantially from what the sociological data, which ostensibly motivates them, would indicate: they have been, to date, overwhelmingly gender specific. That is, partner abuse is routinely portrayed and acted upon as though it were almost exclusively about men abusing and victimizing innocent women and, by extension, their children–despite the overwhelming sociological evidence that a significant amount of abuse is also suffered by male partners.
189.) Amy L. Busch, Mindy S. Rosenberg: Comparing Women and Men Arrested for Domestic Violence: A Preliminary Report, in: Journal of Family Violence, 19 2004, 49-57.
Nonetheless, one fact is clear: arrests of women for domestic violence have increased dramatically in recent years. In California, the number of women arrested for domestic violence has nearly tripled in the past decade. Women comprised 19% of the domestic violence arrest cases in 2001, up from 7% in 1991 (State of California, Office of the Attorney General, 2001).
190.) D. M. Capaldi, H. K. Kim, J. W. Shortt: Women’s involvement in aggression in young adult romantic relationships, in: M. Putallaz and K. L. Bierman (Hg.): Aggression, Antisocial Behavior, and Violence Among Girls, New York: Guildford Press 2004, 223-241.
The most frequently picked topic at late adolescence was partner’s jealousy (chosen by approximately 15% of both young men and women), followed by the issue of where to go when going out together (about 10% of both men and women).
191.) Kris Henning, Lynette Feder: A Comparison of Men and Women Arrested for Domestic Violence: Who Presents the Greater Threat?, in: Journal of Family Violence, 19(2) 2004, 69-80.
Recent increases in the number of women arrested for domestic violence raise important questions about implementation of proarrest policies, equivalency of intimate partner aggression across genders, and management of female domestic violence offenders. This study compares demographic characteristics, criminal history variables, and the past domestic violence history of men (n = 5,578) and women (n = 1,126) arrested for domestic assault against a heterosexual intimate partner. Using victim reported information and data collected by local criminal justice agencies, we found that female arrestees were significantly less likely than males to have histories that warrant concern regarding the potential for future violence. Implications of these findings are discussed.
192.) Nancy Glass, Jane Koziol-McLain, Jacquelyn Campbell, Carolyn Rebecca Block: Female-Perpetrated Femicide and Attempted Femicide. A Case Study, in: Violence Against Women, 10(6) 2004, 606-625.
Femicide, the homicide of women, is the seventh leading cause of premature death for women overall. Intimate partner (IP) homicide accounts for approximately 40% to 50% of U.S. femicides. The vast majority of IP femicides are perpetrated by male partners, with .05% of IP femicides in the U.S. perpetrated by female partners. Few studies have examined intimate partner violence (IPV) between female partners and no study (to the authors’ knowledge) has examined female-perpetrated IP femicide and attempted femicide in same-sex relationships. This case study examines IP femicide and attempted femicide among a small sample of women in same-sex relationships. The findings call attention to this important women’s health issue, expand our contextual understanding of violence in female same-sex relationships, and assist health care, law enforcement, judiciary, service, and advocacy professionals to develop prevention strategies and resources to reduce the risk of serious injury and death among women in same-sex relationships.
193.) X. B. Arriaga, V. A. Foshee: Adolescent dating violence. Do adolescents follow in their friends‘ or their parents‘ footsteps?, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 19 2004, 162-184.
Five hundred and twenty-six adolescents (eighth and ninth graders) completed self-report questionnaires on two occasions over a 6-month period. Consistent with hypotheses, friend dating violence and interparental violence each exhibited unique cross-sectional associations with own perpetration and victimization.
194.) Alexander Markus Homes: Von der Mutter missbraucht. Frauen und die sexuelle Lust am Kind, Norderstedt: LIBRI Books on Demand 2004.
Ist die sexuell unbefriedigte Mutter, die, wenn nicht gar ausschliesslich, so doch vorwiegend auf ihre Soehne und Toechter emotional und sexuell fixiert ist, bittere Realitaet? Das vorliegende Buch gibt auf etliche Fragen im Zusammenhang mit Frauen und Muettern, die Kinder sexuell missbrauchen oder misshandeln, umfassend Antworten. Es belegt vor allem, dass eben nicht nur Vaeter, sondern auch Muetter ihre Kinder sexuell missbrauchen und dies offenbar vorwiegend „zaertlich“ tun; dass sie ihre Toechter missbrauchen, sie dabei aber haeufig quaelen; dass allein erziehende Muetter unter den weiblichen Missbrauchern ueberproportional vertreten sind; dass viele maennliche Sexualstraftaeter erst zu solchen wurden, weil sie in der Kindheit durch die eigene Mutter sexuelle Gewalt erfahren haben; vor allem aber, dass Muetter und ueberhaupt Frauen als Kindesmissbraucherinnen in der Gesellschaft, in den Medien und in der Forschung kaum wahrgenommen werden.
195.) G. Weizmann-Henelius, V. Viemero & M. Eronen: The violent female perpetrator and her victim, in: Forensic Science International, 133(3) 2003, 197-203.
There were, however, no significant differences found between those who had experienced physical or psychological abuse in childhood or adulthood and those who had no adverse experiences. These findings suggest that the violent behaviour by females leads more often to the death of the victim, when the victim is closely related to the perpetrator. The commonly-held view that violent female offending occurs primarily as a consequence of precipitation by the victim was not supported.
196) K. Ferraro, A. Moe: Mothering, crime and incarceration, in: Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 32 2003, 9-40.
Despite the relative infrequency and nonviolent nature of female offending, the numbers of women under control of the “correctional” system in the United States have been growing over the past twenty years at a faster pace than the numbers of men (Chesney-Lind 1997; Greenfield and Snell 1999; U.S. General Accounting Office 1999). Between 1990 and 2000, the rate of female incarceration increased by 108 percent (Beck and Harrison 2001).
197.) Rachel Simmons: Odd Girl Out: The Hidden Culture of Aggression in Girls. Fort Washington, PA: Harvest Books 2003.
When boys act out, get into fights, or become physically aggressive, we can’t avoid noticing their bad behavior. But it is easy to miss the subtle signs of aggression in girls–the dirty looks, the taunting notes, or the exclusion from the group-that send girls home crying.
198.) Myriam Denov: The myth of innocence: Sexual scripts and the recognition of child sexual abuse by female perpetrators, in: Journal of Sex Research, 40(3) 2003, 303-314.
This paper explores the prevalence of female sex offending and reveals the paradoxes that exist within the available data. Moreover, it highlights the role of traditional sexual scripts in impeding the official recognition of the problem. Traditional sexual scripts, particularly the perception of females as sexually passive, harmless, and innocent, appear not only to have influenced broader societal views concerning sexuality and sexual abuse but also to have permeated the criminal law, victim reporting practices, and professional responses to female sex offending. The implicit denial of women s potential for sexual aggression within these three domains may ultimately contribute to the underrecognition of the problem in official sources.
199.) Barbara Krahe, Eva Waizenhofer, Ingrid Moller: Women’s sexual aggression against men: Prevalence and predictors, in: Sex Roles, 49(5-6) 2003, 219-232.
In this study, we investigated the prevalence of women’s sexual aggression against men and examined predictors of sexual aggression in a sample of 248 women. Respondents reported their use of aggressive strategies (physical force, exploitation of a man’s incapacitated state, and verbal pressure) to make a man engage in sexual touch, sexual intercourse, or oral sex against his will.
200.) Myriam S Denov: To a safer place? Victims of sexual abuse by females and their disclosures to professionals, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 27(1) 2003, 47-61.
Conclusion: The study highlights the need for the development and implementation of professional training initiatives to sensitize professionals to the issue of female sex offending and the intervention needs of victims. Failure to do so could have negative consequences for victims sexually abused by females.
201.) Marilyn J. Kwong, Kim Bartholomew, J. Antonia, Shanna J. Trinke: The intergenerational transmission of relationship violence, in: Journal of Family Psychology, 17(3) 2003, 288-301.
This study explored the intergenerational transmission of violence in a community sample. A telephone survey of 1,249 adults in the City of Vancouver assessed family-of-origin violence (father to mother, mother to father, father to self, and mother to self), as well as physical and psychological abuse in intimate relationships. All forms of family-of-origin violence were predictive of all forms of relationship abuse, consistent with a general social learning model of relationship violence. There was no evidence of gender-specific or role-specific patterns of transmission. For example, father-to-mother violence was not specifically predictive of men’s perpetration and women’s victimization in adult relationships. Nor was parent-to-self violence more predictive of victimization than perpetration. The methodological and theoretical implications of these findings are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)
202.) M. R. Callahan, R. M. Tolman, D. G. Saunders: Adolescent dating violence victimization and psychological well-being, in: Journal of Adolescent Research, 18(6) 2003, 664-681.
This study assesses the relationship between adolescents’ dating violence victimization and their psychological well-being. The participants were 190high school students, ages 13 to 19 years, with just over half being boys (53%) and the remainder being girls (47%). Data were collected using self-administered questionnaires. For girls, increasing levels of dating violence (severity, frequency, injury) were related to higher levels of posttraumatic stress and dissociation, even after controlling for demographic, family violence, and social desirability variables. For boys, the levels of victimization were related to higher levels of anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress, even after controlling for other variables.
203.) C. A. Ridley, C. M. Feldman: Female domestic violence toward male partners: Exploring conflict responses and outcomes, in: Journal of Family Violence, 18 (3) 2003, 157-170.
The general purpose of this study was to investigate domestic violence within a conflict framework. Specifically, the association between conflict-based, communication response and outcome behaviors and the frequency and severity of female domestic violence towards male partners was examined. Participants were 153 female volunteers who reported on a range of communication responses and outcomes for both self and partner. The contribution of relationship distress was controlled for and also examined as a moderator. Relationship distress was not found to be a significant moderator. Results showed that seven communication response variables and four outcome variables were significantly associated with the frequency and/or severity of female domestic violence. Relative to nonviolent relationships, relationships with female violence had more male and female unilateral verbal aggression, more mutual verbal aggression, more male verbal aggression/female calms things down, more male demand/partner withdraw, more mutual avoidance, and less constructive relative to destructive communication. Relationships with female violence also had poorer resolution of problems and more emotional distance after problem arguments and discussions than their nonviolent counterparts.
204.) K. A. Mallory, K. A. McCloskey, N. Griggsby, D. Gardner: Women’s use of violence within intimate relationships, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 6 (2) 2003, 37-59.
This article presents a review of research findings that investigate women’s use of violence in intimate relationships, as well as the phenomena of increased arrests of women in domestic violence disputes. A brief outline of the extant national/regional data concerning the use of intimate partner violence (IPV) by men and women is presented. This is followed by a review of findings from data collected on smaller samples concerning differences between male and female IPV and genderized reactions, most notably to the differential physical, psychological, and emotional impact of IPV. Measurement methods that impact these national, regional, and local findings are discussed, followed by a review of what little is known about female arrests and “dual battering.” An integration of the literature shows that a mere “count” of IPV by gender de-contextualizes and obscures the negative effects of violence against women, women’s motivations for using IPV, and the meaning of recent increased arrests of women who resort to IPV.
205.) P. A. Leisring, L. Dowd, A. Rosenbaum: Treatment of Partner Aggressive Women, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment and Trauma, 7 (1/2) 2003, 257-277.
The examination of partner aggression perpetrated by women has been a controversial but important development in domestic violence research. Previous studies have suggested that women’s use of aggression in romantic relationships may place women at increased risk of being assaulted by their partners. Furthermore, children who witness the aggression may be at increased risk for mental health and behavioral problems. This article describes what we know about the characteristics of partner aggressive women, and how this information might inform our understanding of their behavior and the design of treatment programs to assist them. The group treatment program for partner aggressive woman at the University of Massachusetts Medical School is described in detail. Recommendations about necessary components of treatment for aggressive women and a description of how treatment for female perpetrators should differ from treatment for male batterers are provided. Suggestions are made for future research to evaluate current programs and to further develop and refine effective treatments.
206.) J-Y. Kim, C. Emery: Marital power, conflict, norm consensus, and marital violence in a nationally representative sample of Korean couples, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 18 2003, 197-219.
There were about 1,500 participants. Using the Conflict Tactics Scale to measure domestic violence between husbands and wives, the study found that, as in the United States, all three variables are correlated with domestic violence.
207.) L. Kelly: Disabusing the definition of domestic abuse: how women batter men and the role of the feminist state, in: Florida State Law Review, 30 2003, 791-855.
The images we associate with domestic violence depict the male as batterer and the female as victim. Yet, despite the critical importance of first acknowledging and then eradicating the male abuse of women, an equally important but untold story remains.5 Women can be batterers. Men can be victims.
208.) D. A. Hines, K. J. Saudino: Gender differences in psychological, physical, and sexual aggression among college students using the revised Conflict Tactics Scales, in: Violence and Victims, 18(2) 2003, 197-217.
Four-hundred-eighty-one college students completed the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales. As expected, females reported perpetrating more psychological aggression than males; there were no gender differences in reported physical aggression; and psychological and physical aggression tended to co-occur.
209.) H. M. Hendy, K. Weiner, J. Bakerofskie, D. Eggen, C. Gustitus, K. C. McLeod: Comparison of six models for violent romantic relationships in college men and women, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 18 2003, 645-665.
Violence received from the mother was the most powerful parental model for violence in the present romantic relationship, but for women it was associated with receiving violence, whereas for men it was associated with both receiving and inflicting violence.
210.) M. K. Ehrensaft, P. Cohen, J. Brown, E. Smailes, H. Chen, J. G. Johnson: Intergenerational transmission of partner violence: A 20-year prospective study, in: Journal of Counseling and Clinical Psychology, 71 2003, 741-753.
An unselected sample of 543 children was followed over 20 years to test the independent effects of parenting, exposure to domestic violence between parents (ETDV), maltreatment, adolescent disruptive behavior disorders, and emerging adult substance abuse disorders, (SUDs) on the risk of violence to and from an adult partner. Conduct disorder (CD) was the strongest risk for perpetrating partner violence for both sexes, followed by ETDV, and power assertive punishment.
211.) Michael Bock: Selektive Wahrnehmung führt zum Mythos männlicher Gewalt, Häusliche Gewalt – ein Problemaufriss aus kriminologischer Sicht, in: Sicherheit und Kriminalität, 1 2003, 27.
Tatsächlich sind Frauen und Männer in annähernd gleichem Umfang Täter und Opfer häuslicher Gewalt. Dies zeigen Dunkelfeldstudien, die inzwischen in großer Zahl vorliegen und in sekundäranalytischen Arbeiten methodisch hinterfragt, kritisch gewürdigt und bezüglich der Haupttendenz der Ergebnisse zusammengefasst worden sind. Danach legen Frauen und Männer nahezu gleich häufig aggressives Verhalten an den Tag, Frauen sogar etwas mehr.
212.) Blaise Fortunata, Carolynn Kohn: Demographic, Psychosocial, and Personality Characteristics of Lesbian Batterers, in: Violence and Victims, 18(5) 2003, 557-568.
Prevalence of domestic violence (DV) in lesbian and heterosexual relationships appears to be similar. Despite this, few studies have examined factors associated with DV in lesbian relationships, and even fewer have examined characteristics of lesbian batterers. Demographic and psychosocial characteristics and personality traits were examined in 100 lesbians in current relationships (33 Batterers and 67 Nonbatterers). Results indicated that Batterers were more likely to report childhood physical and sexual abuse and higher rates of alcohol problems. Results from the MCMI-III indicated that, after controlling for Debasement and Desirability indices, Batterers were more likely to report aggressive, antisocial, borderline, and paranoid personality traits, and higher alcohol-dependent, drug-dependent, and delusional clinical symptoms compared to Nonbatterers. These results provide support for social learning and psychopathology theoretical models of DV and clinical observations of lesbian batterers, and expand our current DV paradigms to include information about same-sex DV.
213.) M. J. George: “The Invisible Touch”, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 8 2003, 23-60.
The controversy surrounding violence by female partners to intimate males has been reviewed from a diverse range of literature and disciplines. Historical and case evidence is presented against a background of the controversy surrounding the findings of studies, using the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS), which show ample evidence of assaults by women on male partners.
214.) Kirsten Bruhns, Svendy Wittmann: Mädchenkriminalität – Mädchengewalt, in: Kriminalität und Gewalt im Jugendalter. Hell- und Dunkelbefunde im Vergleich, Weinheim: Juventa 2003, 41-63.
Obwohl Forschungsarbeiten zur Jugendkriminalität in der BRD zunehmend auch nach dem Geschlecht differenzieren, liegen nur wenige empirische Forschungsarbeiten vor, die neben Grundauswertungen zur Geschlechterspezifik weitergehende Analysen präsentieren, die Mädchen und junge Frauen in den Mittelpunkt des Forschungsinteresses stellen. Auf diesem Hintergrund gibt der Beitrag anhand amtlicher Statistiken einen Einblick in die Kriminalität von Mädchen und jungen Frauen, d.h. eine Darstellung der aktuellen Datenlage sowie der zeitlichen Entwicklung weiblicher Kriminalität seit den 80er Jahren.
215.) Michael Koenig, Tom Lutalo, Feng Zhao, Fred Nalugoda, Fred Wabwire-Mangen, Noah Kiwanuka, Jennifer Wagman, David Serwadda, Maria Wawer, Ron Gray: Domestic violence in rural Uganda: evidence from a community-based study, in: Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 81(1) 2003, 53-60.
Respondents were also questioned about the occurrence of female against male domestic violence during the past 12 months. Overall, 19.8% of women reported verbally abusing, physically threatening or physically abusing their current male partner during the previous year (Table 5). Such behaviour primarily involved verbal threats, yelling or shouting (18.7%), but 5.4% of women reported actions constituting physical threats or violence, and 3% reported actual physical violence. It is noteworthy that roughly four out of five women who reported recent female against male domestic violence also reported recent male against female violence.
216.) E. M. Douglas, M. A. Straus: Corporal punishment experienced by university students in 17 countries and its relation to assault and injury of dating partners, Paper presented at the European Society of Criminology, Helsinki 2003.
This paper tests the theory that corporal punishment is a risk factor for physically assaulting and injuring a dating partner. The sample is from 33 universities in 17 nations (N = approximately 6,900). Fifty-seven percent of students experienced corporal punishment as a child and 26% as a teenager; the median rate of assaulting a dating partner was 29% and for injuring a dating partner was 7.1%. The results indicate as corporal punishment experiences increased, so does the probability of approving of partner violence and of actually assaulting or injuring a dating partner. These findings are discussed in the context of theories to explain partner violence and for primary prevention of violence.
217.) L. A. Swart, M. S. G. Stevens, I. Ricardo: Violence in adolescents‘ romantic relationships: findings from a survey amongst school-going youth in a South African community, in: Journal of Adolescence, 25 2002, 385-395.
This paper reports on a study of heterosexual adolescent dating violence among secondary school students in a South African community. Approximately half of the surveyed males, and just over half of the surveyed females reported involvement in a physically violent dating relationship either as a perpetrator and/or victim. The study found significant associations between the beliefs about violence in a romantic relationship, the witnessing of physical violence in friendship contexts, the use of alcohol and adolescent dating violence. A significant association between familial variables and adolescent dating violence was only found for male participants. No significant association was found between religious participation and adolescent dating violence. The implications for prevention are discussed in an attempt to demonstrate the potential of local information that identifies risk factors for the development of appropriate community- and schools-based intervention programmes.
218.) Y. Sugihara, J. A. Warner: Dominance and domestic abuse among Mexican Americans: gender differences in the etiology of violence in intimate relationships, in: Journal of Family Violence, 17(4) 2002, 315-340.
Gender differences in dominance and aggressive behavior in intimate relationships among Mexican Americans were examined. Three hundred and sixteen Mexican American men and women took the Dominance Scale and the Conflict Tactics Scale 2 (CTS2). Results showed that power and possessiveness were associated with all types of aggressive behavior. Dominance was, however, expressed differently by men and women. High power and possessiveness were associated with all types of aggressive behavior. Decision-making power was also associated with physical assault, and high devaluation with inflicting injury among men. Among women, high power was only associated with physical assault, whereas possessiveness was associated with psychological aggression and physical assault. Devaluation was also high among women who inflicted injury on their male partners.
219.) M. A. Straus, I. L. Ramirez: Gender symmetry in prevalence, severity, and chronicity of physical aggression against dating partners by university students in Mexico and USA, in: Aggressive Behavior, 33 2002, 281-290.
The paper reports results from analyses of the physical aggression against dating partners by four samples of university students in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, Mexican Americans and Non-Mexican Whites in El Paso and Lubbock Texas, and New Hampshire (N51,544). The percent reporting partner violence (PV) was high in all samples, but also differed significantly between samples. The lowest rate was in New Hampshire (29.7%), followed by Texas, Non-Mexican Whites (30.9%), Texas Mexican American (34.2%), and the highest rate was in Juarez (46.1%). When only severe assaults were compared, the differences between samples was similar, i.e., lowest in New Hampshire and highest in Juarez. In all four samples, there was no significant difference between males and females in either the overall prevalence of physical aggression or the prevalence of severe attacks. Among the 553 couples where one or both of the partners were violent, in almost three quarters of the cases (71.2%) there was gender symmetry in the sense that both partners engaged in this type of behavior. When only one partner was violent, this was twice as likely to be the female partner (19.0%) as the male partner (9.8%). Among the 205 couples where there was an act of severe aggression, symmetry was less prevalent (56.6%), but when only one partner was violent, it was again twice as likely to be the female partner (29.8% female only versus 13.7 male partner only). These results are consistent with the gender symmetry in PV found in many studies. They extend those results by showing that gender symmetry prevails in four different cultural contexts. The presence of gender symmetry in these different cultural contexts, combined with studies showing that women are injured more often and more seriously by partner-assaults, and studies showing that women initiate PV as often as men, suggests that programs and policies aimed at primary prevention of PV by women are crucial to ending PV and for reducing the victimization of men and women.
220.) M. A. Straus, R. A. Medeiros: Gender differences in risk factors for physical violence between dating partners by university students, Paper presented at annual meeting of the American Society for Criminology, Chicago, Illinois 2002.
A sample of 232 men and 334 women responded to revised CTS. Results indicate that for minor violence the rates for both men and women are 22% and for severe violence rates are 10% for men and 11% for women.
221.) C. J. Simonelli, T. Mullis, A. N. Elliot, T. W. Pierce: Abuse by siblings and subsequent experiences of violence within the dating relationship, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 17 2002, 103-121.
The present study examined the association between abuse by siblings and subsequent experiences of dating violence, comparing this to the relationship between parental abuse and dating violence. For males, dating violence was associated with abuse by older and younger brothers and sisters. For females, dating violence was associated with abuse byolder siblings but not by younger siblings. Dating violence among males was more strongly associated with sibling abuse than with parental abuse. In contrast, for females, dating violence was more strongly associated with abuse by parents. Examination of the type of violence revealed that emotional and physical aggression received from parents and siblings were associated with expressed emotional dating violence among males and with expressed physical dating violence among females. The findings support the hypothesis that abuse by siblings, like abuse by parents, may contribute to a cycle of violence in the lives of persons victimized by sibling abuse.
222.) U. Niaz, S. Hassan, Q. Tariq: Psychological consequences of intimate partner violence: forms of domestic abuse in both genders, in: Pakistan Journal of Medical Science, 18 (3) 2002, 205-214.
The objectives was to estimate the prevalence of intimate partner violence, forms of domestic abuses faced by both genders and associated psychological consequences of domestic abuse particularly incidence of depression and anxiety in the victims. Specifically designed and validated instrument by the name of Karachi Domestic Violence Screening Scale (KDVSS), was used to screen out the victims of domestic violence in the sample. Data was collected from the outpatient departments of Psychiatry, Liaquat National Hospital PNS Shifa and Sobraj Hospital in Karachi. The sample included equal representation of male and female participants. It consisted of 140 individuals with middle-age range. Most of them were married, few were separated or divorced. Standardized self-rating, depression and anxiety rating scales were used to check the incidence of depression and anxiety in victims and non-victims. 63% of the participants were identified as victims of domestic violence on Karachi Domestic Violence Screening Scale. 36% of the victims were males and 64% of the victims were females. 35% of the victims reported facing physical abuse, 52% of the victims reported psychological abuse and 30% of the victims reported sexual abuse from their partner. 60% of the victims had depression and 67% of the victims had anxiety. Moderate and severe degrees of depression and anxiety were more common in female victims, whereas mild forms of depression and anxiety were prevalent in male victims. Females are the common victims of domestic violence though males can also be the victims of domestic abuse. Clinically both depression and anxiety ratings were high among the victims of domestic abuse in both genders but the frequency of severe forms of depression and anxiety was common in female victims. Hence, the clinicians must screen the patients of domestic violence in order to identify and treat psychological consequences such as depression and anxiety in the victims.
223.) J. Katz, A. Carino, A. Hilton: Perceived verbal conflict behaviors associated with physical aggression and sexual coercion in dating relationships: a gender-sensitive analysis, in: Violence & Victims, 17 2002, 93-109.
Data were collected from heterosexual undergraduates (N = 223) in exclusive dating relationships. Participants‘ reports of partner demands and partner psychological abuse were associated with participants‘ use of physical aggression and sexual coercion. Reports of partner withdrawal and partner controlling behaviors were associated with participants‘ sexual coercion only. Significant moderating effects of gender emerged. As expected, partner demands, controlling behaviors, and psychological abuse were associated with physical aggression and sexual coercion in men, but not women. Partner withdrawal was associated with sexual coercion in both women and men. We conclude that gender-sensitive approaches are necessary to understand and prevent verbal conflict patterns associated with physical aggression and sexual coercion in intimate relationships.
224.) S. S. Jenkins, J. Aube: Gender differences and gender-related constructs in dating aggression, in: Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28 2002, 1106-1118.
This study examined frequency and severity of physical, symbolic, and psychological aggression between college men and women in 85 heterosexual dating relationships and the extent to which gender role constructs predicted reports of aggression. Although there were no differences on self-reports of perpetration, men reported higher victimization levels than women and higher physical and psychological victimization levels than perpetration levels, whereas women reported higher symbolic perpetration levels than victimization levels. As a result, averaging reports from both partners suggested that women in existing college dating relationships are more aggressive than men. For both genders, stereotypically negative masculine (i.e., instrumental) characteristics were the best predictors of aggressive acts. Perpetrators’ positive masculinity and femininity predicted self-reports of decreased aggression that were not confirmed by their partners. Whereas men’s traditional attitudes about the male role predicted greater male aggression, women’s less traditional attitudes predicted increased severity of female physical aggression.
225.) M. S. Harned: A multivariate analysis of risk markers for dating violence victimization, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 17 2002, 1179-1197.
The present study examines the predictive ability of three categories of risk markers for psychological, sexual, and physical victimization by dating partners among a large sample of university women and men (n = 874). Fifteen variables operationalized the three categories, and results of regression analyses indicate that the bidirectional aggression variables were the best predictors of dating violence victimization, followed by the situational factors; victim attributes did not significantly predict victimization. The results also indicate that differential patterns of risk markers are evident across types of dating violence victimization. In addition, risk markers for victimization by dating partners were found to vary somewhat for women and men.
226.) M. J. George: Skimmington Revisited, in: Journal of Men’s Studies, 10(2) 2002, 111-127.
However, this paper contends that English historical evidence, and the later analysis of it, shows that in the 19th century and before there was not only concern for male violence against wives, but also considerable concern for the violation of patriarchal norms wherein wives perpetrated violence against their husbands. This paper explores the evidence of an early social custom, Skimmington, whereby husbands who had been beaten by their wives were publicly humiliated (Steinmetz, 1977). From this it possible to explore how exposure of women’s violence against men has become controversial and termed „The Great Taboo“ (George, 1994).
227.) R. B. Felson: Violence and Gender Reexamined, Washington, DC: American Psychological Association 2002.
Violence and Gender Reexamined challenges one of western culture’s most deeply held assumptions: That violence against women is different from violence against men. In this elegantly argued and well-researched book, author Richard Felson argues that this type of violence is rarely the result of sexism or hatred against women and that sexism may actually inhibit violence against women. The author cites research suggesting that the motives for violence against women are similar to the motives for violence against men: to control, to gain retribution, and to promote or defend self-image. These motives play a role in almost all violence, regardless of gender.
228.) D. M. Ackard, D. Neumark-Sztainer: Date violence and date rape among adolescents: associations with disordered eating behaviors and psychological health, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 26 2002, 455-473.
229.) Helmut Wilde: Liebe und Gewalt – Wenn Frauen zu Täterinnen werden, in: Switchboard – Zeitschrift für Männer- und Jungenarbeit, 154 2002, 8.
In der in der Öffentlichkeit vorherrschenden Denkweise werden Frauen häufig ausschließlich als Opfer und Männer als Täter gesehen. Ich möchte dieser Denkungsart entgegentreten mit dem Ziel, mehr Differenzierung in dieses Thema hineinzubringen. Männern einseitig die Täterperspektive zuzuweisen ist kontraproduktiv und entspricht nicht den Tatsachen. Die seit ca. 25 Jahren initiierten internationalen wissenschaftlichen Forschungen sind eindeutig und weisen auf beidseitige Gewaltausübung hin. Auch sollte man die Wechselseitigkeit der Gewalteskalation bedenken. Zudem ist der strafrechtliche Umgang mit den Tätern häuslicher Gewalt nicht unumstritten.
230.) D. A. Hines, K. J. Saudino: Intergenerational transmission of intimate partner violence: A behavioral genetic perspective, in: Trauma, Violence, and Abuse, 3 2002, 210-225.
This article reviews evidence for the intergenerational transmission of intimate violence and discusses why a genetically sensitive design is needed. It reviews behavioral genetic research that shows that aggression is genetically influenced and discusses how this research is pertinent to the study of intimate violence from a behavioral genetic perspective. It is urged that behavioral genetic studies of intimate violence be undertaken so that we may have a better understanding of this behavior.
231.) J. Katz, S. W. Kuffel, A. Coblentz: Are there gender differences in sustaining dating violence? An examination of frequency, severity, and relationship satisfaction, in: Journal of Family Violence, 17 2002, 247-271.
One topic of debate within the field of intimate violence involves the equivalence, or lack thereof, of male-perpetrated versus female-perpetrated violence. To inform this debate, we examined potential gender-related differences in the frequency of sustaining violence, the severity of violence sustained, and effects of violence on relationship satisfaction. Data were collected from 2 samples of heterosexual undergraduates in dating relationships. In both studies, men and women experienced violence at comparable frequencies, although men experienced more frequent moderate violence.
232.) M. S. Kimmel: “Gender symmetry” in domestic violence: A substantive and methodological research review, in: Violence Against Women, 8, 2002, 1331-1363.
Despite numerous studies that report the preponderance of domestic violence is perpetrated by men against women, other empirical studies suggest that rates of domestic violence by women and men are equivalent. This article explores these claims of gender symmetry in intimate partners’use of violence by reviewing the empirical foundations of the research and critiquing existing sources of data on domestic violence. The author suggests methods to reconcile the disparate data and encourages researchers and practitioners to acknowledge women’s use of violence while understanding why it tends to be very different from violence by men toward their female partners.
233.) J. Archer: Sex differences in physically aggressive acts between heterosexual partners: A meta-analytic review, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 7 2002, 313−351.
234.) Corrections Service of Canada: Female sex offenders: A review of the literature, Ottawa, Canada: Author 2002.
For a variety of societal reasons, female sexual abuse is likely to remain unnoticed. Some researchers have found that the incidence of sexual contact with boys by women is much more prevalent than is contended in the clinical literature (Condy, Templer Brown & Veaco, 1987) … Many researchers consider Finkelhor and Russell’s (1984) estimates of the prevalence of female sex offending to be the most accurate to date. Their tentative evaluation is that females may account for up to 13% of the abuse of females and 24% of the abuse of males, either acting alone or with a partner.
235.) Jennifer Vick, Ruth McRoy & Bobbie M. Matthews: Young female sex offenders: Assessment and treatment issues, in: Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 11(2) 2002, 1-23.
Key findings include the lack of research, tools, and literature on young female sex offenders and perceived differences between male and female offenders including history, treatment, and characteristics.
236.) Peter Anderson & Dyan Melson: From deviance to normalcy: Women as sexual aggressors, in: Electronic Journal of Human Sexuality, 5 (23) 2002.
The traditional gender roles of young women in the United States are changing. According to research reports of the past few decades, women have taken a more commanding role in sexual relationships with men. These new roles have, at times, included behavior identified as sexual aggression.
237.) Lori B. Girshick: Woman-to-Woman Sexual Violence: Does She Call It Rape? Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press 2002.
Lori B. Girshick exposes the shocking, hidden reality of woman-to-woman sexual violence and gives voice to the abused. Drawing on a nationwide survey and in-depth interviews, Girshick explores the experiences and reflections of seventy women, documenting what happened to them, how they responded, and whether they received any help to cope with the emotional impact of their assault.
238.) J. Bookwala: The role of own and perceived partner attachment in relationship aggression, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 17 2002, 84-100.
This study explored the main and interactive effects of respondents’own attachment styles and their perception of the romantic partner’s attachment style on expressed and received aggression in a sample of 161 male and female undergraduates who reported on a heterosexual romantic relationship. Overall, 52.8% reported expressing at least one act of aggression, and 39.1% reported sustaining such an act from their partner.
239.) T. A. Migliaccio: Abused husbands: A Narrative analysis, in: Journal of Family Issues, 23 2002, 26-52.
Husband abuse has been and continues to be a topic of controversy within the field of family violence. Although arguments persist over methodology, prevalence, and ideology, this study analyzes the narratives of 12 men who claimed to have been abused by their partners and compares their stories to the narratives and findings of past studies of wife abuse. In so doing, this study identifies that the accounts of the relationships of battered men and women follow similar patterns, including the structure of the relationships, the acceptance of the abuse, and the social context of the situation. This reinforces the findings of wife abuse research showing that abusive relationships display certain commonalties and reveals the necessity of future studies of battered males.
240.) C. M. Monson, J. Langhinrichsen-Rohling: Sexual and nonsexual dating violence perpetration: testing an integrated perpetrator typology, in: Violence and Victims, 17 2002, 403-428.
The present study tested the validity of an integrated sexual and nonsexual violence perpetrator typology outlined by Monson and Langhinrichsen-Rohling (1998) in a sample of 670 dating individuals. Two-hundred-and-sixty-five of the participants (87 men, 178 women) reported some act of sexual and/or physical dating violence perpetration in their lifetime. The data supported at least three perpetrator types, namely, the Relationship-only, Generally Violent/Antisocial, and Histrionic/Preoccupied types. Overall, these findings indicate that different factors may cause or maintain the intimate violence perpetrated within this heterogeneous population. There were important gender differences in perpetrator type membership, highlighting the differences in men’s and women’s use of violence. The implications of these findings are discussed with regard to the development of typologies, their application to men and women perpetrators, as well as their utility for the assessment and treatment of perpetrators.
241.) R. Caetano, J. Schafte, C. Field, S. M. Nelson: Agreement on reports of intimate partner violence among white, Black, and Hispanic couples in the United States, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 17 2002, 1308-1322.
This article examines agreement on reports of male to female partner violence (MFPV) and female to male partner violence (FMPV) and predictors of agreement among White, Black, and Hispanic couples in the United States.
242.) K. L. Anderson: Perpetrator or victim? Relationships between intimate partner violence and well-being, in: Journal of Marriage and Family, 64 2002, 851-863.
Associations between mutual violence and depression and substance abuse are greater among women than men, supporting the position that gender symmetry in reported violence perpetration does not imply symmetry in outcomes.
243.) Amorie Robinson: There’s a Stranger in This House. African American Lesbians and Domestic Violence, in: Women & Therapy, 25(3) 2002, 125-132.
Although more researchers are investigating violence in lesbian relationships, they continue to neglect the experiences of African American lesbians. The purpose of this article is to describe the experience of a battered African American lesbian and to offer suggestions for intervention, which include techniques for addressing homophobia, providing appropriate referrals, and culturally sensitive treatment.
244.) C. E. Corry, M. S. Fiebert, E. Pizzy: Controlling domestic violence against men, 2002.
People hit and abuse family members because they can. In today’s society, as reflected in TV, movies, law enforcement, courts, and feminist propaganda women are openly given permission to hit men. Presently 25%-30% of all intimate violence is exclusively female on male. „Primary aggressor“ laws usually result in arrest of the male and ignore research showing 50% of domestic assaults are mutual combat. The woman is thus encouraged to abuse her partner further until finally he will take no more. Such provocation of the human male is dangerous.
245.) Janice Ristock: No More Secrets: Violence in Lesbian Relationships, London: Routledge 2002.
Violence is a male biological trait. When women fight, no one gets seriously hurt. Lesbians don’t abuse their spouses. The truth revealed in Janice Ristock’s groundbreaking book is that lesbian relationships sometimes do turn violent. Based on interviews with more than one hundred lesbians who have suffered abuse and seventy-five case workers, No More Secrets is the first in-depth account of this startling phenomenon. Although one in four gay and lesbian couples are affected by domestic violence, the problem has remained hidden for several reasons. By giving voice to the victims, Ristock helps women to address violence by breaking silences, sharing secrets, and naming the forms of abuse.
246.) C. M. West: Lesbian intimate partner violence: Prevalence and dynamics, in: Journal of Lesbian Studies, 6(1) 2002, 121-127.
Discusses the prevalence and dynamics of lesbian intimate partner violence. It is clear that lesbian battering is a serious social concern, though it is difficult to obtain accurate estimates of partner violence in lesbian relationships. Reported rates of physical violence vary widely, from 8.5 to 73% in former lesbian relationships. Intimate partner violence may be as prevalent in intimate lesbian relationships as among heterosexuals, and that a full range of types of violence occurs, including verbal, psychological, physical, and sexual abuse. Some of the dynamics associated with such violence appear to be unique to lesbians, due to the social stigma and discrimination they they often experience. Resources to help lesbian victims are generally lacking, but certain interventions may be effective.
247.) Werner Kierski: Weibliche Gewalt, Können wir Therapeuten uns damit auseinandersetzen?, in: Counselling and Psychotherapy Journal CPJ, 2002, 7.
Die soziale Verdrängung weiblicher Gewalt führt zum Verschweigen von deren Häufigkeit und entmutigt Opfer, darüber zu reden. Berichte des MDSA und anderer Organisationen zeigen, dass Opfer es sehr schwer finden, sich zu offenbaren und ihre Erlebnisse Beratern und Therapeuten anzuvertrauen.
248.) Marnie C. Ferree: Females and sex addiction: Myths and diagnostic implications, in: Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity, 8(3-4) 2001, 287-300.
Females‘ experiences with sexually compulsive behavior rarely receive the attention directed to males who act out. Six myths concerning women and sexual addiction are offered as an explanation for this oversight. Each myth is challenged and diagnostic implications are discussed. Specific suggestions are outlined for a diagnostic instrument that will identify sexual addiction in women )
249.) L. Fitzroy: Violent women: questions for feminist theory, practice and policy, in: Critical Social Policy, 21(1) 2001, 7-34.
Women who enact violence, by their very existence, pose a number of challenges for feminist theory, direct service practice and policy development and delivery in the human service sector. This article presents a number of issues on violent women that emerged from a series of focus groups and individual interviews with human service workers. 1The article explores the theoretical, practice and policy issues which were identified by workers. It begins from a position of honouring the knowledge and skills of workers, while not seeking to offer definitive conclusions as to appropriate service responses to women who are violent. The article suggests that future theoretical engagements and policy responses to violent women could benefit from critical engagement with the many issues raised by workers.
250.) T. E. Moffitt: Sex differences in antisocial behavior, Cambridge University Press 2001.
Why are females rarely antisocial and males antisocial so often? This key question is addressed in a fresh approach to sex differences in the causes, course and consequences of antisocial behaviour. The book presents all-new findings from a landmark investigation of 1,000 males and females studied from ages 3 to 21 years. It shows that young people develop antisocial behaviour for two main reasons. One form of antisocial behaviour is a neurodevelopmental disorder afflicting males, with low prevalence in the population, early childhood onset and subsequent persistence. The other form of antisocial behaviour, afflicting females as well as males, is common and emerges in the context of social relationships. The book offers insights about diagnosis and measurement, the importance of puberty, the problem of partner violence and the nature of intergenerational transmission. It puts forward a new agenda for research about both neurodevelopmental and social influences on antisocial behaviour.
251.) T. R. Simon, M. Anderson, M. P. Thompson, A. E. Crosby, G. Shelley, J. J. Sacks: Attitudinal acceptance of intimate partner violence among U.S. adults, in: Violence and Victims, 16 (2) 2001, 115-126.
Attitudinal acceptance of intimate partner violence (IPV) is an important correlate of violent behavior. This study examined acceptance of IPV using data collected from a nationally representative telephone survey of 5,238 adults. Multivariable logistic regression analyses were used to test for associations between sociodemographic characteristics, exposure to violence, question order, and acceptance of hitting a spouse or boyfriend/girlfriend under specific circumstances. Depending on the circumstance examined, acceptance of IPV was significantly higher among participants who were male and younger than 35; were non-White; were divorced, separated, or had never married; had not completed high school; had a low household income; or were victims of violence within the past 12 months. Participants were more accepting of women hitting men; they also were consistently more likely to report tolerance of IPV if they were asked first about women hitting men rather than men hitting women. Reports of IPV tolerance need to be interpreted within the context of the survey. Efforts to change IPV attitudes can be tailored to specific IPV circumstances and subgroups, and these efforts should emphasize that the use of physical violence is unacceptable to both genders.
252.) Myriam S. Denov: A culture of denial: Exploring professional perspectives on female sex offending, in: Canadian Journal of Criminology, 43(3) 2001, 303-329.
Nonetheless, more recent studies, particularly in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States, have begun to acknowledge the existence of female sexual offenders (Cooper, Swaminath, Baxter, and Poulin 1990; Davin, Hislop, and Dunbar 1999; Failer 1987; Mathews, Mathews, and Speltz 1989; Fromuth and Conn 1997; Saradjian 1996). The research, which has included a wide range of data-gathering techniques including large-scale self-report surveys, in-depth interviews, and case-file analyses, has all pointed to the existence of female sexual offending.
253.) B. H. Hoff: The risk of serious physical injury from assault by a woman intimate. A re-examination of National Violence against women survey data on type of assault by an intimate, in: MenWeb online journal, 1999, 2001.
Re-examination of the data on the type of assault perpetrated on men and on women by intimates shows that assaulted men are more likely than assaulted women to experience serious assault by being hit with an object, threatened with a knife or being knifed. For the more serious forms of assault (hit with an object, beat up, threatened with a knife or gun, victim of a weapon) 96.8 percent of the women assaulted and 90.5 percent of the men assaulted experienced one of these dangerous forms of assault. For forms of serious assault that do result in injury (hit with object, beat up, used knife, used gun) 68.3 percent of the women assaulted, and 63.5 of the men assaulted, were assaulted in this manner. Applying these percentages to the number of men and women that the NVAW estimates are assaulted by an intimate each year suggests that over a third of a million men will be hit with an object, and over 90,000 will be knifed. Over 180,000 will be threatened with a knife, well over half a million men will be slapped or hit, and well over a half a million pushed, grabbed or shoved. The over-arching conclusion of this paper is that a gender-polarized approach to „family violence“ in government-funded and private research, that focuses millions of dollars of research effort only on domestic violence against women does not serve the needs of the 835,000 men that NVAW estimates are victims of family violence each year, of violent women, or of their children.
254.) D. A. Hines, K. Malley-Morrison: Psychological effects of partner abuse against men: a neglected research area, in: Psychology of Men and Masculinity, 2 2001, 75-85.
This article discusses the research on abuse against men in intimate relationships with a primary focus on the effects of this abuse. We begin by discussing the incidence of physical aggression against men, then address methodological and conceptual issues associated with the incidence data. We next review studies assessing the effects of aggression against men and discuss ways in which this research can be furthered and improved. Finally, we discuss why men would choose to stay in these relationships and consider the scant research on emotional abuse against men.
255.) T. L. Nicholls, D. G. Dutton: Abuse committed by women against male intimates, in: Journal of Couples Therapy, 10 (1) 2001, 41-57.
A review of the rapidly expanding empirical research exploring the incidence, prevalence and characteristics of domestic violence committed by women against male intimates supports several conclusions: (1) the majority of abuse- in intimate relationships involves mutual aggression; (2) women are as likely to aggress against partners as are men, and men arc as likely as women to be the victims of intimate assaults; (3) women are more likely to be physically injured; and, (4) severe systematic abuse in intimate relationships is rare.
256.) R. L. McNeely, P. W. Cook, J. B. Torres: Is domestic violence a gender issue or a human issue?, in: Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 4 (4) 2001, 227-251.
Domestic violence, like all violence, is a human issue. It is not merely a gender issue. Classifying spousal and partner violence as a women’s issue, rather than a human issue, is erroneous. In domestic relations, women are as inclined as men to engage in physically abusive acts. Yet most reports appearing in the popular press, and in scholarly journals, have framed the issue as essentially a masculine form of assaultive behavior, thereby imbedding into the national consciousness a false and inaccurate view of the problem. This article presents the results of selected empirical studies that contradict the popular view of domestic violence, briefly focuses on the phenomenon as it relates to race, offers several elucidating case accounts, and suggests that the popular view of domestic violence not only contributes to men’s increasing legal and social defenselessness, it also leads to social policies that obstruct efforts to address the problem of domestic violence successfully.
257.) A. McCarthy: Gender differences in the incidences of, motives for, and consequences of, dating violence among college students, Unpublished Master’s thesis, California State University, Long Beach 2001.
In a sample of 1145 students <359 men, 786 women> found that 36% of men and 28% of women responding to the CTS2 reported that they were victims of physical aggression during the previous year. There were no differences in reported motives for aggression between men and women.
258.) S. F. Lewis, W. Fremouw: Dating violence: A critical review of the literature, in: Clinical Psychology Review, 21 2001, 105-127.
The investigation of dating violence has previously been underrepresented in the interpersonal violence literature. Within the past 2 decades, however, researchers have significantly advanced our knowledge of the variables associated with dating violence. This critical article provides a comprehensive review of the current body of literature on dating aggression. Research on dating violence is presented, progressing from prevalence rates and types of violence to an exploration of victim and perpetrator characteristics. There is an emphasis on the necessity to establish a theoretical model of typology to allow investigation of the distinct subgroups of violent individuals. The deficits in the present body of literature are presented and include sampling methods, dependent measures, and data analyses. Finally, implications for future research and prevention are provided.
259.) R. C. Kessler, B. E. Molnar, I. D. Feurer, M. Appelbaum: Patterns and mental health predictors of domestic violence in the United States, in: International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 24 2001, 487-507.
A sample of 3537 subjects <1738 men, 1799 women> were drawn from the National Co-morbidity Survey, a nationally representative survey conducted between 1990 and 1992. Subjects were married or cohabitating men and women between the ages of 15-54 who were assessed using the CTS. Results indicated that, „17.4% of women and 18.4% of men reported that they were victims of minor physical violence perpetrated by their current spouses or partners.
260.) C. T. Halpern, S. G. Oslak, M. L. Young, S. L. Martin, L. L. Kupper: Partner violence among adolescents in opposite-sex romantic relationships: Findings from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, in: American Journal of Public Health, 91 2001, 1679-1685.
Psychological and minor physical violence victimization is common in opposite-sex romantic relationships during adolescence. The sex-specific associations between sociodemographic characteristics and patterns of partner violence victimization underscore the importance of pursuing longitudinal, theory-driven investigations of the characteristics and developmental histories of both partners in a couple to advance understanding of this public health problem.
261.) T. E. Moffitt, R. W. Robins, A. Caspi: A couples analysis of partner abuse with implications for abuse-prevention policy, in: Criminology & Public Policy, 1 (1) 2001, 5-36.
We studied a representative sample of 360 young-adult couples from a birth cohort. We found abuse was a dyadic process; both partners’ personal characteristics increased abuse risk, and both sexes participated in abuse, particularly in clinical abusive couples having injury and/or official agency intervention. Treating only men may not reduce risk completely for most young couples.
262.) A. Lewis, S. Sarantakos: Domestic Violence and the male victim, in: Nuance, 3 2001.
Over the past few decades, ‚domestic violence‘ has been defined as violence by men against women and children, and women’s violence against their male partners has been considered to be either non-existent, or the fault of men, or has been trivialised and justified in a variety of ways. This paper challenges this notion of abuse against males and, using data from a study of men abused by their female partners, argues that domestic violence against males exists, that their voices are not heard; and that the refusal to acknowledge the existence of this form of abuse is part of a fundamental disempowerment of men which has arisen from a tacit acceptance in society of the radical feminist agenda. The paper concludes that domestic violence is not an issue of gender, and that official policy should be directed to providing the kind of help for abused men which up until now has been available only to women.
263.) Cizek et al.: Gewalt gegen Männer, in: Dies.: Gewalt in der Familie, 2001, 299.
Empirische Untersuchungen zeigen jedoch, dass Gewalt gegen Männer existiert. In Befragungen wird deutlich, dass die Raten gewalttätiger Frauen und Männer maximal ein Drittel voneinander abweichen. Einige Untersuchungen konnten dabei eine höhere Rate von Gewalt gegen Männer, andere wiederum eine höhere von Gewalt gegen Frauen nachweisen. 3 Frauen sind nicht friedlicher als Männer. Empirische Untersuchungen widersprechen der oftmals biologistisch geprägten Argumentation, dass Frauen „von Natur aus“ friedliebender als Männer sind. So gibt es empirische Belege dafür, dass auch Frauen Gewalttaten gegen Männer beginnen.
264.) Janet I. Warren & Julia Hislop: Female sex offenders: A typological and etiological overview, in: Robert R. Hazelwood, Ann Wolbert Burgess (Hg.): Practical Aspects of Rape Investigation: A Multidisciplinary Approach, 3rd edition, Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press 2001, 421-434.
While these sexual stereotypes are factually true and thus correct in terms of generalized societal concerns, they also serve to camouflage the sexual exploitation and violence perpetrated by women against male and female children and, in some instances, against adults of both genders.
265.) T. A. Migliaccio: Marginalizing the battered male, in: Journal of Men’s Studies, 9(2) 2001, 205-226.
Being marginalized in Western society involves denial of access to resources, inability to assume a dominant identity, and the perception by others as a deviant. For marginalized men in American society, their deviant status can result in others‘ questioning their masculinity. Fearing emasculation, many men attempt to hide or deny those aspects of their identities or lives that result in this, such as being abused, which is normally an ascribed role for women. This paper analyzes the narratives of 12 marginalized, that is, abused men. Through interviews and Internet postings, information was obtained on these men’s experiences, beliefs, and reactions to their violent marriages and how their fear of being feminized impacted their relationships, often prolonging the violence.
266.) N. Berns: Degendering the problem and gendering the blame: Political discourse on women and violence, in: Gender & Society, 15(2) 2001, 262-281.
This article describes political discourse on domestic violence that obscures men’s violence while placing the burden of responsibility on women. This perspective, which the author calls patriarchal resistance, challenges a feminist construction of the problem. Using a qualitative analysis of men’s and political magazines, the author describes two main discursive strategies used in the resistance discourse: degendering the problem and gendering the blame. These strategies play a central role in resisting any attempts to situate social problems within a partiarchal framework. It is argued that this is a political countermovement to the feminist constructions of domestic violence as opposed to a serious concern about women’s violence and male victims. Three major implications this resistance discourse has are the normalization of intimate violence, the diversion of attention from men’s responsibility and cultural and structural factors that foster violence, and the distortion of women’s violence.
267.) Melanie Harned: Abused Women or Abused Men? An Examination of the Context and Outcomes of Dating Violence, in: Violence and Victims, 16(3) 2001, 269-285.
The present study examines the controversial issue of whether women and men are equally abused in dating relationships. Undergraduate and graduate students (n = 874) completed a survey about their experiences and perpetration of psychological, sexual, and physical aggression within dating relationships. To enable a more contextualized understanding of these phenomena, motives for and outcomes of dating violence were also assessed. Women and men reported comparable amounts of overall aggression from dating partners, but differed in the types of violence experienced. Women were more likely to experience sexual victimization, whereas men were more often the victims of psychological aggression; rates of physical violence were similar across genders. Contrary to hypotheses, women were not more likely to use physical violence in self-defense than men. However, although both genders experienced similar amounts of aggressive acts from dating partners, the impact of such violence is more severe for women than men.
268.) Diane Miller, Kathryn Greene, Vickie Causby, Barbara White, Lettie Lockhart: Domestic Violence in Lesbian Relationships, in: Women & Therapy, 23(3) 2001, 107-127.
Increasingly, therapists and researchers have focused attention on domestic violence in lesbian relationships. To date, however, most research has described the incidence and types of physical violence and abuse. The present study sought to explore predictors of domestic violence in lesbian relationships. Lesbian participants filled out a survey measuring physical violence and physical aggression as well as relational and personality variables. Results indicated that lesbians do report some degree of domestic violence, characterized more often by physical aggression than by physical violence. Physical aggression was best predicted by fusion, followed by self-esteem and independence. For physical violence, however, control was the most important predictor, followed by independence, self-esteem and fusion. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.
269.) D. M. Capaldi & L. D. Owen: Physical aggression in a community sample of at-risk young couples: Gender comparisons for high frequency, injury, and fear, in: Journal of Family Psychology, 15 (3) 2001, 425-440.
It was hypothesized that frequent physical aggression toward a partner, in the range of shelter samples, is largely caused by antisocial behavior and mutual couple conflict and, thus, that there would be greater similarity across genders in such behavior than has previously been supposed. It was also predicted that levels of injury and fear would be higher in women but that some men would experience these impacts. Findings indicated similarity across genders both in the prevalence of frequent aggression and in its association with antisocial behavior. Furthermore, such aggression was likely to be bidirectional in couples. Contrary to the hypothesis of the study, rates of injury and fear for the women were not significantly higher than for the men.
270.) Erin McLaughlin, Patricia Rozee: Knowledge About Heterosexual versus Lesbian Battering Among Lesbians, in: Women & Therapy, 23(3) 2001, 39-58.
There is growing evidence to suggest that abuse in lesbian relationships does exist and may occur on a greater scale than most people are aware of. This paper will define battering in lesbian relationships, its prevalence and characteristics, critique the ability of traditional feminist models to explain lesbian battering, and address the consequent lack of community response to battered lesbians. We will also present results of a study indicating that the silence about lesbian battering among both feminist theorists and activists and the gay/lesbian community has contributed to the invisibility of lesbian battering, and thus lesbians‘ own lack of knowledge about lesbian battering. The results of this study support the hypothesis that the lesbian community is more familiar with phenomena associated with domestic violence in heterosexual relationships than with violence in intimate lesbian relationships. Community and clinical implications of the findings are discussed.
271.) L. Dowd: Female Perpetrators of Partner Aggression: Relevant Issue and Treatment, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment and Trauma, 5 (2) 2001, 73-104.
The topic of female partner aggression has been a controversial focus of debate over the past 25 years, and yet we lack a coherent body of literature that effectively describes the phenomenon of female partner violence and guides the treatments we are able to provide. This paper is an attempt to gather and integrate the fragments of data that we do have with related treatment issues, such as substance abuse, trauma, and attachment disorders, that appear to be highly relevant to this population. A structured cognitive-behavioural group treatment programme, designed to address women’s needs as both victims and perpetrators, is described, and suggestions for further investigation are offered.
272.) St. T. Chermack, M. A. Walton, B. E. Fuller & F. C. Blow: Correlates of expressed and received violence across relationship types among men and women substance abusers, in: Psychology of Addictive Behavior, 15 2001, 140-151.
This study examined expressed and received violence among men and women in substance abuse treatment. Rates of past-year partner violence (PV) did not differ by gender, although men reported markedly higher rates of nonpartner violence (NPV).
273.) J. M. Watson, M. Cascardi, S. Avery-Leaf, K. D. O’Leary: High school students‘ responses to dating aggression, in: Violence and Victims, 16 2001, 339-348.
From a sample of high school students (N = 476), a subsample who reported that they had experienced at least one episode of being victimized by physical aggression in a dating relationship (n = 183), served as the sample of interest. On average, students engaged in two help-seeking actions, with females reporting more actions than males. Overall, the most common responses to physical aggression in a dating relationship were aggressive action (e.g., fight back), informal help seeking, threatened or actual breakup, and doing nothing (males) or crying (females). Females were more likely to fight back than were males. Race was largely unrelated to students‘ actions. Intervention opportunities and areas for future research are discussed.
274.) Svendy Wittmann, Kirsten Bruhns: Starke Mädchen oder Schlägerweiber? Mädchen in gewaltauffälligen Jugendgruppen, in: Diskurs, 10(1) 2000, 68-74.
Der Artikel beschäftigt sich mit gewaltauffälligen Mädchen in Jugendgruppen und deren Einstellungen, Verhalten und Rolle in Gewaltkontexten. Die Autorinnen stellen in ihrer Untersuchung Besonderheiten und Unterschiede, aber auch Ähnlichkeiten im Umgang weiblicher und männlicher Jugendlicher mit Gewalt fest. Die Ergebnisse zu Status und Funktion von Mädchen in gemischtgeschlechtlichen Jugendgruppen geben wichtige Einblicke in die Struktur gewaltbereiter Jugendgruppen und in die Rolle weiblicher Jugendlicher als Mitglieder gewaltbereiter Gruppen
275.) J. Archer: Sex differences in aggression between heterosexual partners: a meta-analytic review, in: Psychological Bulletin, 126(5) 2000, 651-80.
Meta-analyses of sex differences in physical aggression to heterosexual partners and in its physical consequences are reported. Women were slightly more likely (d = -.05) than men to use one or more act of physical aggression and to use such acts more frequently.
276.) C. M. West, S. Rose: Dating aggression among low income African American youth, in: Violence against Women, 6 2000, 470-494.
Prevalence of aggression inflicted and sustained in dating relationships was investigated for 171 low income African American youth. More women were victims of choking, attempted forced intercourse, and hurt feelings. As perpetrators, more women reported making threats, throwing objects, and hitting their partner. However, men perpetrated more serious sexual and psychological aggression, including forced breast fondling, attempted forced intercourse, and making a partner feel inferior and degrading them. Women victims of sexual aggression, when compared to nonvictims, expressed more agreement with adversarial sexual beliefs regarding male-female relationships. More than one third of the participants endorsed antagonistic beliefs concerning Black male-female relationships. Suggestions for intervention are presented.
277.) S. M. Jackson, F. Cram, F. W. Seymour: Violence and sexual coercion in high school students‘ dating relationships, in: Journal of Family Violence, 15 2000, 23-36.
The present study sought to investigate the extent of dating violence victimization in a New Zealand sample of senior high school students (aged 16 to 18 years) and the perceived reasons for the violence, emotional effects, disclosure of the violence, and relationship consequences. A questionnaire that contained both open-ended and forced-choice items pertaining to experiences of violence and its consequences was developed using material gathered from focus group discussions with high school students. Findings showed gender similarity in the extent of violence and a number of significant gender differences in the aftermath of violence, particularly in the area of sexual coercion. These findings are discussed in the context of future research and prevention of dating violence.
278.) N. J. Shook, D. A. Gerrity, J. Jurich, A. E. Segrist: Courtship violence among college students: A comparison of verbally and physically abusive couples, in: Journal of Family Violence, 15 2000, 1-22.
This study used a modified version of the Conflict Tactic Scale (Straus, 1990) to measure the expression of verbal and physical aggression among 572 college students (395 females and 177 males) involved in dating relationships over the previous year. Results indicated that 82% (n = 465) of the total sample reported having engaged in verbally aggressive behavior with a dating partner over the past year, whereas 21% (n = 116) admitted to acting in a physically aggressive manner over the same interval. No significant gender-based difference was found for verbal aggression scores; however, females were significantly more likely to report using physical force than were male students. Male and female students who used verbal aggression were characteristically similar to each. Both had experienced aggression from a parent as children and had drunk alcohol within 3 hours (before or after) an argument with a dating partner. Male and female students who admitted using physical force were dissimilar except that both had experienced parent-child aggression. For male students, having witnessed conjugal violence and their general drinking patterns were also significantly related to their using physical force, whereas for females, the use of physical force was associated with drinking alcohol within 3 hours of an argument with a dating partner.
279.) G. A. Spencer, S. A. Bryant: Dating violence: A comparison of rural, suburban and urban teens, in: Journal of Adolescent Health, 25 (5) 2000, 302-305.
This study analyzed rural, suburban, and urban differences in teen dating violence using the 1996 Teen Assessment Project data. Teens in rural school districts were more likely to be victims of dating violence than their suburban and urban counterparts; males reported being slapped, hit, or kicked more frequently than females. The findings of this study indicate that students in rural school districts are at greater risk for participating in dating violence than suburban and urban students, with rural female students at greatest risk.
280.) P. Tjaden, N. Thoennes: Prevalence and consequences of male-to-female and female-to-male intimate partner violence as measured by the National Violence Against Women Survey, in: Violence Against Women, 6 2000, 142-161.
Using data from a telephone survey of 8,000 U.S. men and 8,000 U.S. women, this study compares the prevalence and consequences of violence perpetrated against men and women by marital and opposite-sex cohabiting partners. The study found that married/cohabiting women reported significantly more intimate perpetrated rape, physical assault, and stalking than did married/cohabiting men, whether the time period considered was the respondent’s lifetime or the 12 months preceding the survey. Women also reported more frequent and longer lasting victimization, fear of bodily injury, time lost from work, injuries, and use of medical, mental health, and justice system services.
281.) M. Beier: Female analogies to perversion, in: Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy, 26(1) 2000, 79-93.
The significance of reproversion is relevant to many different specialized medical fields. This is explained in conclusion, using the examples of denied pregnancy and infanticide at birth based on initial empirical results.
282.) A. L. Coker, R. E. McKeown, M. Sanderson, K. E. Davis, R. F. Valois, E. S. Huebner: Severe dating violence and quality of life among South Carolina high school students, in: American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 19(4) 2000, 220-227.
Nearly 12% of adolescents self-reported SDV as a victim (7.6%) or a perpetrator (7.7%), and SDV rates (victimization/perpetration combined) are higher in girls (14.4%) than boys (9.1%). Race, aggressive behaviors, substance use, and sexual risk-taking are correlates of SDV. Among young women, SDV victimization, not perpetration, was associated with recent poor H-R QOL and suicide ideation or attempts, but not lower life-satisfaction scores. Among young men, SDV perpetration, not victimization, was strongly associated with poor H-R QOL and suicide attempts, and lower scores for all domains of life satisfaction.
283.) Susan C. Turell: A Descriptive Analysis of Same-Sex Relationship Violence for a Diverse Sample, in: Journal of Family Violence, 15(3) 2000, 281-293.
This study confirmed that same-sex relationship violence is a significant problem or a sizable part of the gay/lesbian/bisexual/transgendered (g/l/b/t) community within the limitations of the sampling methods.
284.) Susan Turell: A Descriptive Analysis of Same-Sex Relationships Violence for a Diverse Sample, in: Journal of Family Violence, 15(3) 2000, 281-293.
This study contributed to the data about same-sex relationship violence with a large sample (n = 499) of ethnically diverse gay men, lesbians, and bisexual and transgendered people. Physical violence was reported in 9% of current and 32% of past relationships. One percent of participants had experienced forced sex in their current relationship. Nine percent reported this experience in past relationships. Emotional abuse was reported by 83% of the participants. Women reported higher frequencies than men for physical abuse, coercion, shame, threats, and use of children for control. Across types of abuse, ethnic differences emerged regarding physical abuse and coercion. Differences across age groups were found regarding coercion, shame, and use of children as tools. Higher income was correlated with increased threats, stalking, sexual, physical, and financial abuses. Preliminary patterns of samesex relationship abuses were examined for bisexual and transgendered people.
285.) Jonathan Green: The last taboo. Marie Claire UK, March. [Interviews with female paedophiles in Minneapolis] 2000.
Female paedophiles are possibly society’s darkest secrets. Reviled for crimes against nature or simply ignored as though their actions are unthinkable, very little is known about them and even less done to help them. Transition Place pioneering centre for women child abusers, but it’s patients have always been too wary to give interviews. Now, for the first time, they have chosen to speak out – to Marie Claire – and discuss their lives frankly, with Jonathan Green.
286.) M. J. Hird: An empirical study of adolescent dating aggression in the U.K, in: Journal of Adolescence, 23 2000, 69-78.
The present study provides one of the first empirical investigations of adolescent dating aggression (ADA) in Britain. The survey found almost half of sampled boys, and more than half of sampled girls, experienced psychological, physical and/or sexual aggression.
287.) B. Watkins and A. Bentovim: Male children and adolescents as victims: A review of current knowledge, in: G. C. Mezey, M. B. King (Hg.): Male Victims of Sexual Assault, 2nd edition, New York: Oxford University Press 2000, 35-78.
The book reports on the first epidemiological study of male sexual victimization in Europe, challenges the prevailing stereotype of gay men as sexual predators, covers the topic of male rape in prisons, examines the link between early sexual victimization and later perpetration, describes how victims of sexual torture attempt to process and resolve such experiences, provides the historical and anthropological background to the subject, and examines the impact of the changes in legislation.
288.) Leslie K. Burke, Diane R. Follingstad: Violence in lesbian and gay relationships: theory, prevalence, and correlational factors, in: Clinical Psychology Review, 19(5) 1999, 487-512.
This body of literature suggests that prevalence rates of same-sex partner abuse are high and its correlates show many similarities to those identified in incidents of heterosexual partner abuse. This article addresses the need for substantially increased efforts in this field of study in terms of well-controlled and theory-driven research design.
289.) Sotirios Sarantakos: Husband Abuse: Fact or Fiction?, in: Australian Journal of Social Issues, 34(3) 1999, 231-252.
During the last thirty years, ideologies, theories and policies relating to domestic violence have changed radically. As a result of this, community concern and state policies shifted considerably towards protecting and supporting abused wives. Although this shift was justified by the extreme severity of the problem and the relative inadequacy of relevant policies of the past to address wife abuse effectively, it nevertheless led to a partial neglect of other types of domestic violence. Particularly wife-to-husband abuse has been totally ignored and neglected, and even taken to be the fault of the victim. This paper explores the status of husband abuse, by re-assessing relevant trends and developments in Australia and other countries, and presents a review of empirical evidence which shows that husband abuse is more common and more serious than it is generally believed to be, and that it is the task of the government to address spouse abuse by means of policies and practices which are free from a sexist bias.
290.) C. S. Tang: Marital power and aggression in a community sample of Hong Kong Chinese families, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 14(6) 1999, 586-602.
This study aimed to explore the pattern of marital power distribution and its association with marital aggression and satisfaction in contemporary Chinese families. A randomized community sample of 1,270 (518 males and 752 females) married Chinese who were 18 years or older and who resided in Hong Kong were telephone interviewed. Approximately half of the respondents reported having egalitarian relationships with their partners regarding decision making. Women’s demographic characteristics, but not men’s, were related to how decision making was distributed in marital relationships. Egalitarian decision making was directly associated with marital satisfaction but inversely related to marital aggression. In particular, verbal and physical aggression was less prevalent in egalitarian marriages, and there was a trend that severe violence was more prevalent in relationships that were husband-dominant. Men tended to have higher levels of marital satisfaction than did women, and marital satisfaction was higher in egalitarian or divided power relationships.
291.) M. J. Kwong, K. Bartholomew, D. Dutton: Gender differences in patterns of relationship violence in Alberta, in: Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 31 (3) 1999, 150-160.
Gender differences in patterns of relationship violence were investigated in a representative sample of adult men (N = 356) and women (N = 351) from the province of Alberta. Respondents reported on their receipt and perpetration of violent acts in the year prior to the survey. Men and women, respectively, reported similar one-year prevalence rates of husband-to-wife violence (12.9% and 9.6%) and wife-to-husband violence (12.3% and 12.5%). However, differential gender patterns of reporting were identified. On average, men reported that they and their female partners were equally likely to engage in violent acts and to initiate violent conflicts. In contrast, women reported lower levels of victimization than perpetration of violence, and they reported less male-only and male-initiated violence than did men. The majority of respondents in violent relationships reported a pattern of violence that was bidirectional, minor, infrequent, and not physically injurious. The discussion focuses upon the meaning of gender differences in reports of relationship violence, and the existence of distinct patterns of violence within intimate relationships.
292.) C. C. Mechem, F. S. Shofer, S. S. Reinhard, S. Hornig, E. Datner: History of domestic violence among male patients presenting to an urban emergency department, in: Academic Emergency Medicine, 6 1999, 786-791.
Abstract. Objective: To establish the prevalence of domestic violence committed bywomen against male patients presenting to an urban ED for any reason. Methods: This was a prospective survey in which male patients of legal age presenting to the ED over a 13-week period were interviewed. Patients answered a series of six questions adapted from the George Washington University Universal Violence Prevention Screening Protocol. Patients who could not speak English, those refusing to participate, those unable to give informed consent, and those meeting regional criteria for major trauma were excluded. Results: Of 866 male patients interviewed, 109 (12.6%) had been the victims of domestic violence committed by a female intimate partner within the preceding year. Victims were more likely to be younger, single, African American, and uninsured. The most common forms of assault were slapping, grabbing, and shoving (60.6% of victims). These were followed by choking, kicking, biting, and punching (48.6%), or throwing an object at the victim (46.8%). Thirtyseven percent of cases involved a weapon.
293.) M. A. Straus, V. E. Mouradian: Preliminary psychometric data for the Personal Relationships Profile (PRP): A multi-scale tool for clinical screening and research on partner violence, Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Society of Criminology, Toronto, Canada 1999.
294.) R. E. Billingham, R. Bland, A. Leary: Dating Violence at three time periods: 1976, 1992, 1996, in: Psychological Reports, 85 1999, 574-578.
Data collected over the past 10 years were used to investigate whether there have been changes in the incidence of violence when dating reported at a large university. Responses to Straus’s 1979 Conflict Tactics Scale in 1986 (n=603), 1992 (n=414), and 1996 (n=571) were compared. Analyzes indicated that there has been a reduction in both verbal aggression and violence scores over the 10-yr. period.
295.) Jacquie Hetherton: The idealization of women: its role in the minimization of child sexual abuse by females, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 23(2) 1999, 161-174.
Conclusion: Individuals are urged to suspend their disbelief about female perpetrated child sexual abuse. Denial of the phenomenon may result in it continuing to be under-reported and trivialized. As this persists the price will ultimately be paid by victims of on-going abuse and survivors of past victimization whose suffering will be compounded by disparagement of the issue.
296.) Alana D. Graystona, Rayleen V. De Luca: Female perpetrators of child sexual abuse: A review of the clinical and empirical literature, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 4(1) 1999, 93-106.
Although women have long been viewed as offenders in cases of physical child abuse, it is only recently that clinicians and researchers have begun to seriously consider the problem of female-perpetrated sexual abuse of children.
297.) M. Cascardi, S. Avery-Leaf, K. D. O’Leary, A. M. S. Slep: Factor Structure and convergent validity of the Conflict Tactics Scale in high school students, in: Psychological Assessment, 11 1999, 546-555.
This study explored the factor structure of a modified version of the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS; A A. Straus, 1979) in a large multiethnic high school sample. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analytic approaches were used. Results generally supported 2-factor models for males and females. A substantial proportion of residual variance remained after the 2 primary factors were extracted, and correlations among this residual variance suggested meaningful differences in the perpetration and experience of dating violence for males and females. Furthermore, the factor structure for males‘ self-reported victimization suggested that items representing psychological and mild physical aggression, which loaded on 1 factor, may be perceived similarly. Convergent validity analyses that examined the correlation among CTS traditional and factor scores with jealous actions, control tactics, and attitudes justifying males‘ and females‘ use of dating aggression provided initial support for the constructs identified. Results are discussed in terms of improving measurement of dating aggression.
298.) S. Claxton-Oldfield, J. Arsenault: The initiation of physically aggressive behaviour by female university students toward their male partners: Prevalence and the reasons offered for such behaviors, Unpublished manuscript, 1999.
In a sample of 168 actively dating female undergraduates at a Canadian university, 26% indicated that they initiated physical aggression toward their male partners. Most common reason for such behavior was because partner was not listening to them.
299.) J. Fedoroff, Alicja Fishell & Beverly Fedoroff: A case series of women evaluated for paraphilic sexual disorders, in: The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 8(2) 1999, 127-139.
The 12 women classified as having at least one paraphilia were similarly compared with an age-matched subsample of these men with diagnoses of paraphilia. Cases were drawn from the clinical records of a Forensic Psychiatrist who has conducted outpatient clinics for assessment and treatment of paraphilic disorders in three countries. The three most common paraphilic disorders in the female study group were: pedophilia (36%), sexual sadism (29%), and exhibitionism (29%).
300.) C. Mirrlees-Black: Findings from a new British Crime Survey self-completion questionnaire, in: Home Office Research, Development and Statistics Directorate report 191, Home Office, London, HMSO 1999.
4.2% of women and 4.2% of men said they had been physically assaulted by a current or former partner in the last year. 4.9% of men and 5.9% of women had experienced physical assault and/or frightening threats. These levels are considerably higher than figures from other BCS measures.
301.) C. B. Cunradi, R. Caetano, C. L. Clark, J. Schafer: Alcohol-related problems and intimate partner violence among white, Black, and Hispanic couples in the U.S. Alcoholism, in: Clinical and Experimental Research, 23 1999, 1492-1501.
Alcohol-related problems were more prevalent among men than women. Our bivariate analysis demonstrated a significant positive association between male alcohol-related problems and IPV across racial/ethnic groups, and a similar association between female alcohol-related problems and IPV for white and black couples. In the multivariate logistic regression analyses, however, many of these associations were attenuated. After controlling for sociodemographic and psychosocial covariates, male alcohol-related problems were no longer significantly associated with an increased risk of MFPV among white or Hispanic couples. Female alcohol-related problems predicted FMPV, but not MFPV, among white couples. Among black couples, however, male and female alcohol-related problems remained strong predictors of intimate partner violence.
302.) C. G. Ellison, J. P. Barkowski, K. R. Anderson: Are there religious variations in domestic violence?, in: Journal of Family Issues, 20 1999, 87-113.
The authors find that regular attendance at religious services is inversely associated with self-reported perpetration of domestic violence for men and women. Denominational homogamy (i.e., same-faith vs. mixed-faith relationships) has little bearing on the likelihood of abuse. Other forms of religious dissimilarity do appear to heighten the risk of abuse. In particular, men who hold much more conservative theological views than their partners are especially likely to perpetrate domestic violence. The implications of these and other findings are discussed, and several promising directions for further research are identified.
303.) F. A. Goodyear-Smith, T. M. Laidlaw: Aggressive acts and assaults in intimate relationships: Towards an understanding of the literature, in: Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 17 1999, 285-304.
Even if men perpetrate the majority of serious partner attacks, addressing the issue of female violence will significantly reduce the overall level of domestic violence. Judicial, medical, and social services should take note that while male violence may be more problematic, violence is a relationship issue, not a male issue.
304.) P. C. Giordano,T. J. Millhollin, S. A. Cernkovich, M. D. Pugh, J. L. Rudolph: Delinquency, identity, and women’s involvement in relationship violence, in: Criminology, 37 1999, 17-40.
We analyzed data derived from personal interviews with 942 respondents who were originally contacted when they were adolescents and then 10 years later as young adults (N=721). Level of delinquency in adolescence was a signicant predictor of adult reports of involvement in relationship violence, for both male and female respondents. In addition, women’s scores on the Conflict Tactics scale were related to adolescent and adult identities-higher scores were found among women who reported that they had been viewed as troublemakers as adolescents and who endorsed statements indexing an angry self-concept in adulthood. Although male perpetration represents a much more serious social and public health problem, these data do suggest that there may be a social learning basis for female as well as male expressions of violence.
305.) M. J. George: A victimization survey of female perpetrated assaults in the United Kingdom, in: Aggressive Behavior, 25 1999, 67-79.
A survey of a national representative sample of adults (1,455) in the United Kingdom investigated the incidence of female-perpetrated assault as had been experienced by adult male and female respondents in any context over the past five years. Sampling was undertaken throughout the United Kingdom by a self-completion instrument modeled on the Conflict Tactics Scale. Respondents reporting assault were also asked brief details about their assailant and the context of the assault (e.g., estimated age, relation to victim, and involvement of alcohol) and whether injury was suffered. Men reported being victimized by females more than women and experiencing the more severe forms of assault more than women.
306.) D. Sharpe, J. K. Taylor: An examination of variables from a social-developmental model to explain physical and psychological dating violence, in: Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 31(3) 1999, 165-175.
Examined individual difference variables derived from a social-developmental perspective to help explain physical and psychological violence in dating relationships. 110 male and 225 female Ss (aged 25 yrs and older) completed measures of physical and psychological violence, self-esteem, personal power, peer relations, romantic love, and dominance. Self-esteem, personal power and peer relations were variables from the social-developmental model that, with dominance, predicted dating violence. Males were more likely to report receiving violence, females more likely to report inflicting violence. Those participants reporting bidirectional physical violence, both receiving and inflicting physical violence, experienced the most frequent physical and psychological violence. The implications of these findings for understanding the origins and the context of dating violence are discussed.
307.) K. D. Browne, C. E. Hamilton: Police recognition of the links between spouse abuse and child abuse, in: Child Maltreatment, 4(2) 1999, 136-147.
This study investigated the links between referrals to police child protection units (CPUs) and domestic violence units (DVUs) during November 1994 in one police force in an urban area of England. DVU files and CPU files were analyzed and cross-referenced by investigating types, severity, and frequency of abuse; and a number of background factors. The rate of overlap (families with files at both units) was 21.6%, although 46.3% of child protection files indicated the presence of domestic violence in the family home. The severity of maltreatment and the extent of injury for both spouse abuse and child maltreatment were significantly related to police response, with greater use of cautions or charges in more severe cases. Families with records in both units showed a higher number of prior referrals relating to both spouse abuse and child maltreatment. In addition, these cases showed greater severity of domestic violence.
308.) C. Crawford-Mechem, Frances Shofer, Sharon Reinhard, Sarah Hornig, Elizabeth Datner: History of Domestic Violence among Male Patients Presenting to an Urban Emergency Department, in: Academic Emergency Medicine, 6(8) 1999, 786-791.
To establish the prevalence of domestic violence committed by women against male patients presenting to an urban ED for any reason. Methods: This was a prospective survey in which male patients of legal age presenting to the ED over a 13-week period were interviewed. Patients answered a series of six questions adapted from the George Washington University Universal Violence Prevention Screening Protocol. Patients who could not speak English, those refusing to participate, those unable to give informed consent, and those meeting regional criteria for major trauma were excluded. Results: Of 866 male patients interviewed, 109 (12.6%) had been the victims of domestic violence committed by a female intimate partner within the preceding year. Victims were more likely to be younger, single, African American, and uninsured. The most common forms of assault were slapping, grabbing, and shoving (60.6% of victims). These were followed by choking, kicking, biting, and punching (48.6%), or throwing an object at the victim (46.8%). Thirty-seven percent of cases involved a weapon. Seven percent of victims described being forced to have sex. Nineteen percent of victims contacted the police; 14% required medical attention; 11% pressed charges or sought a restraining order; and 6% pursued follow-up counseling. Conclusions: Almost 13% of men in this sample population had been victims of domestic violence committed by a female intimate partner within the previous year. Further attention to the recognition and management of domestic violence committed by women against men may be warranted.
309.) B. Headey, D. Scott, D. de Vaus: Domestic violence in Australia: Are women and men equally violent? Data from the International Social Science Survey/ Australia 1996/97, 1999.
Conventional wisdom holds (i) that physical domestic violence is mainly perpetrated by men against women; (ii) that violent men, being physically stronger, inflict more pain and serious injuries than violent women; and (iii) that physical violence runs in families. To examine all three beliefs, we bring to bear nationwide sample survey data.
310.) Mary E. Larimer, Amy R. Lydum, Britt K. Anderson, Aaron P. Turner: Male and Female Recipients of Unwanted Sexual Contact in a College Student Sample: Prevalence Rates, Alcohol Use, and Depression Symptoms, in: Sex Roles, 40 1999, 295-308.
It is typically assumed that acquaintance rape and other forms of unwanted sexual contact involve males as perpetrators and females as victims. The current study investigated prevalence rates of experiencing as well as instigating sexual coercion, force, and other types of unwanted sexual contact for both men and women in a college Greek system. 165 men and 131women (82% Caucasian) completed 2 gender neutral measures of unwanted sexual contact, as well asassessments of alcohol use, alcohol related negative consequences, and depressive symptoms. Results indicated men were as likely to report being the recipients of sexual coercion as were women in this sample, although women were more likely to be the victims of physical force. In addition, both men and women in this sample who had been the recipients of unwanted sexual contact reported heavier alcohol consumption and related negative consequences than did their peers who had no that these experiences. Men who had been the recipients of unwanted sexual contact reported more symptoms of depression than other men in this sample, but there were no differences in depression symptoms for women who did or did not report these experiences.
311.) Patricia Tjaden, Nancy Thoennes, Christine J. Allison: Comparing Violence Over the Life Span in Samples of Same-Sex and Opposite-Sex Cohabitants, in: Violence and Victims, 14(4) 1999, 413-425.
The study found that respondents who had lived with a same-sex intimate partner were significantly more likely than respondents who had married or lived with an opposite-sex partner only to have been: (a) raped as minors and adults; (b) physically assaulted as children by adult caretakers; and (c) physically assaulted as adults by all types of perpetrators, including intimate partners.
312.) W. Farrell: Women can’t hear what men don’t say, New York: Tarcher/Putnam, 1999, 123-162; 323-329.
The bestselling author of Why Men Are the Way They Are and The Myth of Male Power now shows couples how to break through the unseen barriers to male communication constructed by society, families, and our culture.
313.) N.S. Coney & W. C. Mackey: The feminization of domestic violence in America: the woozle effect goes beyond Rhetoric, in: The journal of Men’s Studies, 8 1999, 45-58.
314.) M. A. Straus: The controversy over domestic violence by women: A methodological, theoretical, and sociology of science analysis, in: X. Arriaga, S. Oskamp (Hg.): Violence in intimate relationships, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage 1999.
The theoretical part of the chapter seeks to provide an explanation for the discrepancy between the low rates of assault by women outside the family and the very high rates of assault by women within the family. The sociology of science part of the chapter seeks to explain why the controversy over domestic assaults by women persists and is likely to continue. I argue that neither side can give up their-position because it would be tantamount to giving up deeply held moral commitments and professional roles. I conclude thal society needs both perspectives. Neither side should give up their perspective. Rather they should recognize the circumstances to which each aplies.
315.) M. S. Fiebert, & M. Tucci: Sexual coercion: Men victimized by women, in: Journal of Men’s Studies, 6(2) 1998, 127-133.
However, within the past decade a number of investigators (Muehlenhard & Cook, 1988; Poppen & Segal, 1988; Stets & Pirog-Good, 1989; Struckman-Johnson, 1988; Waldner-Haugrud & Magruder, 1995) have examined heterosexual dating relations and found that significant numbers of men also report being victims of sexual coercion by female partners. Several studies have provided gender comparisons in the area of sexual coercion. Muehlenhard and Cook (1988) developed a 51-item questionnaire and compared unwanted sexual activity among 507 male and 486 female college students. Results revealed that 97.5% of women and 93.5% of men experienced unwanted kissing, petting, or intercourse sometime in their lives. More men than women reported unwanted intercourse: 62.7% vs. 46.3%.
316.) Larry Bennett, Susan Fineran: Sexual and Severe Physical Violence among High School Students: Power Beliefs, Gender, and Relationship, in: American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 68(4) 1998, 645-652.
In a sample of 463 high school students, 43% reported being the victim of either sexual violence or severe physical violence by peers in the past year. Perpetrators were more likely to be known rather than unknown to the victim, or to be dating/ex-dating partners, and 70% of those who experienced violence by peers were girls. Findings support a view of high school peer violence that encompasses relationship, gender, effects on the victim, and beliefs about both male role power and personal power.
317.) M. E. Clements-Schreiber, J. K. Rempel, S. Desmarais: Women’s sexual pressure tactics and adherence to related attitudes: a steptoward prediction, in: The Journal of Sex Research, 35(2) 1998, 197-205
We have undertaken a preliminary examination of the relationship between some of the beliefs and attitudes women hold about men and women, and the tendency for some women to endorse the use of high-pressure tactics with a reluctant partner.
318.) Lauran E. Duncan & Linda M. Williams: Gender role socialization and male-on-male vs. female-on-male child sexual abuse, in: Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 39(9/10) 1998, 765-785.
The prevalence of sexual abuse of males by female perpetrators may be more difficult to assess than the prevalence of abuse by males, because females are more often involved in daily intimate care of children, where sexual abuse can go unnoticed (Groth, 1979; Justice & Justice, 1979; Plummer, 1981). In addition, abuse by non-caregivers may be underreported because of cultural assumptions about males—they should be able to protect themselves (Rogers & Terry, 1984); they are supposed to value sexual contact (Trivelpiece, 1990); and sexual abuse is traditionally defined as acts perpetrated against females by males (Finkelhor, 1984). Thus, estimates of the proportion of all sexual abuse perpetrated by women range widely, from 1% (Groth, 1979) to 24% (Finkelhor & Russell, 1984). In the current article, we argue that the sexual abuse of boys has long-term effects on an important arena for well-functioning heterosexual adult—intimate relationships with women.
319.) T. S. Mwamwenda: Reports of husband battering from an undergraduate sample in Umtata, in: Psychological Reports, 82 1998, 517-518.
The objective of the present study was to explore the extent to which husband battering is practised among Xhosa-speaking women (n = 138) and men (n = 81) in Transkei. Analysis showed that husband battering is not an unknown sociological practice as a small number of women do in fact beat up their husbands. Contrary to conventional and cultural knowledge wife battering is not a one-way phenomenon although it is practised more widely.
320.) Jacquie Hethertona, Lynn Beardsall: Decisions and attitudes concerning child sexual abuse: does the gender of the perpetrator make a difference to child protection professionals?, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 22(12) 1998, 1265-1283.
Conclusion: While child protection professionals considered child sexual abuse perpetrated by females to be a serious issue warranting intervention, a number of advocated decisions suggested that they did not consider female-perpetrated abuse to be as serious as male-perpetrated abuse. The implication is that victims of sexual abuse perpetrated by a woman may be less likely to receive the protection afforded victims of male-perpetrated abuse. Furthermore, professionals’ practices may be inadvertently perpetuating the view that female child sexual abuse is rare or less harmful than abuse carried out by males.
321.) Bridget Murphy, Sally Stevens, Robin McGrath, Harry Wexler, Deborah Reardon: Women and Violence: A Different Look, in: Drugs & Society, 13(1) 1998, 131-144.
The incidents of violence involving women and the use of alcohol and other drugs (AOD) among women has increased at an alarming rate. In spite of this, little research has been conducted on the role (i.e., perpetrator vs. victim) that drug using women assume in different episodes and/or settings of violence, and with whom these violent encounters occur. This study describes the self reported life experience of violent encounters of 98 women enrolled in a residential drug treatment center in Tucson, Arizona. Results of the study indicate that many of the women were both the perpetrators and victims of violence. Additionally, the results indicate that aggressive acts from or against others may, in part, be related to the amount of power or control that women had in the relationship as well as the setting in which the violence occurred.
322.) Teresa Scherzer: Domestic Violence in Lesbian Relationships. Findings of the Lesbian Relationships Research Project, in: Journal of Lesbian Studies, 2(1) 1998, 29-47.
This article reports on the findings of the Lesbian Relationships Research Project (LRRP), a 1993 study on the prevalence of emotional and physical abuse in lesbian relationships in the San Francisco Bay Area (Medina & Scherzer, 1993). This article reviews the literature on prevalence of domestic violence in lesbian relationships, describes the LRRP study, reports the findings from (1) the survey component of LRRP, which examined prevalence of specific abusive behaviors and respondents‘ help-seeking experiences, and (2) the qualitative component of the study, which asked respondents what behaviors they considered abusive, what happened when they sought help, and invited other comments. Lastly, the concepts and themes brought up from the qualitative data are discussed to suggest topics for further research.
323.) Peter Anderson, & Cindy Struckman-Johnson: Sexually Aggressive Women: Current Perspectives and Controversies. New York: The Guilford Press 1998.
Working from a range of theoretical perspectives, contributors to this text challenge prevailing stereotypes of women as passive or resistant participants in heterosexual interaction and men as initiators or aggressors. Like men, the book proposes, many women are clearly interested in sex and some are sexually aggressive.
324.) C. J. Simonelli, K. M. Ingram: Psychological distress among men experiencing physical and emotional abuse in heterosexual dating relationships, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 13 1998, 667-681.
This study examined men’s experiences of both emotional and physical abuse in their heterosexual dating relationships. Seventy male undergraduates responded to questionnaires about their current or most recent relationship. Approximately 90% of the men reported having received at least one form of verbal aggression or other emotional abuse from their partner in the past year, and 40% reported having been the target of at least one act of physical violence from their partner. Men who reported receiving more emotional and physical abuse in their dating relationships also reported greater levels of overall psychological distress and depression. Implications for prevention programs and future research are discussed.
325.) G. L. Stockdale: Men’s Accounts of Domestic Violence, Unpublished master’s thesis, Deakin University, Australia 1998.
Twenty male victims of domestic violence were interviewed using a semi-structured protocol. Many subjects incurred sever physical violence and were „mostly disturbed by false accusations of violence on their part, and their partner’s use of their children against the, which they felt were supported by the legal system and the community.
326.) M. A. Straus: The controversy over domestic violence by women: A methodological, theoretical, and sociology of science analysis, Paper presented at Claremont Symposium on Applied Social Psychology, Claremont, CA 1998.
The methodological part of this chapter analyzes the discrepancy between the more than 100 „family conflict“ studies of domestic physical assaults (those using the Conflict Tactic Scales and similar approaches), and what can be called „crime studies“ (i. e. the National Crime Victimization Survey and studies using police call data). Family conflict studies, without exception, show about equal rates of assault by men and women. Crime studies, without exception, show much higher rates of assault by men, often 90% by men. Crime studies also find a prevalence rate (for both men and women) that is a small fraction of the rate of assaults found by family conflict studies. The difference in prevalence rates and in gender differences between the two types of studies probably occur because crime studies deal with only the small part of all domestic assaults that the participants experience as a crime, such as assaults which result in an injury serious enough to need medical attention, or assaults by a former partner. These occur relatively rarely and tend to be assaults by men. The theoretical part of the chapter seeks to provide an explanation for the discrepancy between the Iow rates of assault by women outside the family and the very high rates of assault by women within the family. The sociology of science part of the chapter seeks to explain why the controversy over domestic assaults by women persists and is likely to continue. I argue that neither side can give up their position because it would be tantamount to giving up deeply held moral commitments and professional roles. I conclude that society needs both perspectives. Neither side should give up their perspective. Rather they should recognize the circumstances to which each applies.
327.) P. Pearson: When she was bad… Violent Women and the Myth of Innocence, New York: Penguin 1998.
While national crime rates have recently fallen, crimes committed by women have risen 200 percent, yet we continue to transform female violence into victimhood by citing PMS, battered wife syndrome, and postpartum depression as sources of women?s actions. When She Was Bad convincingly overturns these perceptions by telling the stories of such women as Karla Faye Tucker, who was recently executed for having killed two people with a pickax; Dorothea Puente, who murdered several elderly tenants in her boarding house; and Aileen Wuornos, a Florida woman who shot seven men. Patricia Pearson marshals a vast amount of research and statistical support from criminologists, anthropologists, psychiatrists, and sociologists, and includes many revealing interviews with dozens of men and women in the criminal justice system who have firsthand experience with violent women. When She Was Bad is a fearless and superbly written call to reframe our ideas about female violence and, by extension, female power.
328.) C. Molidor, R. M. Tolman: Gender and contextual factors in adolescent dating violence, in: Violence against Women, 4(2) 1998, 180-194.
This study explored the occurrence of violence in adolescent dating relationships, the contexts in which violence occured, and the reactions of adolescents involved in the violence. Six hundred and thirty-five high school students were surveyed using a dating violence questionnaire that included items modified from the Conflict Tactics Scales. Analyses focused on comparing male and female reports of victimization in current and past dating relationships. Consistent with some previous studies, male and female adolescents did not differ in overall frequency of violence in dating relationships. However, adolescent girls experienced significantly higher levels of severe violence and reported more severe physical and emotional reactions to the violence.
329.) J. Schafer, R. Caetano, C. L. Clark: Rates of intimate partner violence in the United States, in: American journal of Public Health, 88 1998, 1702-1704.
Estimates of intimate partner violence in the United States based on representative samples have relied on data from one person per household or limited numbers of indicators from both partners. The purpose of this study was to estimate nationwide rates of intimate partner violence with data from both couple members by using a standardized survey instrument, the Conflict Tactics Scale. METHODS: A multistage probability sampling design was used to conduct separate face-to-face interviews in respondents‘ homes with both members of 1635 representative couples living in the 48 contiguous states. RESULTS: Both partners‘ reports were used to estimate the following lower- and upper-bound rates: 5.21% and 13.61% for male-to-female partner violence, 6.22% and 18.21% for female-to-male partner violence, and 7.84% to 21.48% for any partner-to-partner violence. CONCLUSIONS: High rates of intimate partner violence in the United States corroborate previous claims that the amount of intimate partner violence is substantial.
330.) K. A. Ryan: The relationship between courtship violence and sexual aggression in college students, in: Journal of Family Violence, 13 1998, 377-394.
The relationship between physical and sexual aggression in college students was explored in the current study. Participants were 245 males and 411 females recruited from a 2-year or 4-year college. The vast majority were white. All of them responded to a measure of physical aggression (The Conflict Tactics Scale; Straus, 1979) and sexual aggression (the Sexual Experiences Survey; Koss et al., 1987). A subset of participants also responded to a questionnaire assessing „Signs to Look for in a Battering Personalit” (Ryan, 1995). Results showed a significant association between physical and sexual aggression in men and women. In addition, the combination of physical and sexual aggression produced nonsignificantly higher levels of aggression than when they occurred alone. Discriminant analyses showed verbal abuse and threats predicted both physical and sexual aggression in men and women; however, gender differences emerged on other characteristics. Finally, effect size analyses showed larger effect sizes for sexual than for physical aggression on many of the „Signs to Look for in a Battering Personality.
331.) L. L. Merrill, L. K. King, J. S. Milner, C. E. Newell, M. P. Koss: Premilitary intimate partner conflict resolution in a Navy basic trainee sample, in: Military Psychology, 10 1998, 1-15.
This study investigated the rates of intimate partner verbal and physical violence (inflicted and received) and the rates of physical injury inflicted by the intimate partner that were reported by 2,987 female and male Navy basic trainees who voluntarily completed self-report questionnaires during the first week of training. The rates of intimate partner physical violence reported by the trainees were at the upper end of the range of rates reported by college students. More female (46.9%) than male (31.9%) trainees reported at least one instance of inflicting physical violence. In addition to a higher absolute frequency of physical violence, women reported signifi- cantly higher physical violence scores, which indicated that women used physical violence at a higher rate than men. Nevertheless, substantially more women (24.9%) than men (9.0%) reported being physically injured by an intimate partner, supporting the view that the consequences of intimate partner physical violence are more serious for women.
332.) W. S. DeKeseredy, M. D. Schwartz: Woman abuse on campus, Results from the Canadian National survey. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage 1998.
A large sample <1,835 women; 1,307 men> of Canadian college students completed the Conflict Tactics Scale. Results reveal that women report engaging in higher rates of violence than men. Specifically, 46.1% of women reported engaging in some physical violence in intimate relationship since leaving high school. With 38% employing „minor“ violence and 19% employing „severe“ violence.
333.) Carolyn West: Leaving a second closet: Outing partner violence in same-sex couples, in: Jana Jasinski, Linda Meyer (Hg.): Partner violence : A comprehensive review of 20 years of research, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications 1998, 163-183.
The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the emerging literature on same-sex partner violence. First, a brief description of the challenges and types of discrimination faced by this population is presented. Second, the incidence rates and distinct forms that gay and lesbian battering might assume are discussed. Next, correlates of partner violence and research limitations are highlighted. Finally, treatment implications and recommendations for policy are suggested.
334.) Claire Renzetti: Violence and Abuse in Lesbian Relationships: Theoretical Perspectives and Empirical Issues, in: Raquel Kennedy Bergen (Hg.): Issues in Intimate Violence, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications 1998, 117-127.
These findings suggest that, in both lesbian and heterosexual relationships, the motivations underlying abusive behavior-manipulation, coercion, punishment, and control-are more important for understanding domestic violence than the form the abuse happens to take.
335.) R. J. Harders, C. Struckman-Johnson, D. Struckman-Johnson, S. J. Caraway: Verbal and physical abuse in dating relationships, Paper presented at the meeting of American Psychological Association, San Francisco, CA 1998.
Surveyed 274 college students <92 men, 182 women> using a revised formed of the Conflict Tactics Scale. Found that women were significantly more physically aggressive than men, particularly in the areas of: pushing, slapping and punching.
336.) L. F. O’Sullivan, E. S. Byers, L. Finkelman: A comparison of male and female college student’s experiences of sexual coercion, in: Psychology of Women Quarterly, 22(2) 1998, 177-195.
Participants were 433 randomly selected college students who responded to an anonymous survey. In line with past research, more men than women reported being sexually coercive, and more women than men reported being sexually coerced in the preceding year.
337.) D. M. Gonzalez: Why females initiate violence: A study examining the reasons behind assaults on men, Unpublished master’s thesis, California State University, Long Beach 1997.
225 college women participated in a survey which examined their past history and their rationales for initiating aggression with male partners. Subjects also responded to 8 conflict scenarios which provided information regarding possible reasons for the initiation of aggression. Results indicate that 55% of the subjects admitted to initiating physical aggression toward their male partners at some point in their lives. The most common reason was that aggression was a spontaneous reaction to frustration.
338.) M. S. Fiebert, D. M. Gonzalez: Women who initiate assaults: The reasons offered for such behavior, in: Psychological Reports, 80 1997, 583-590.
339.) Lisa Waldner-Haugrud, Linda Gratch: Sexual Coercion in Gay/Lesbian Relationships: Descriptives and Gender Differences, in: Violence and Victims, 12(1) 1997, 87-98.
A sample of 162 gay males and 111 lesbians (N = 273) completed a survey measuring the frequency of sexually coercive acts occurring within gay and lesbian relationships. Several hypotheses were proposed to clarify earlier findings and to explore gender differences in the data. Contradicting earlier studies‘ findings that lesbians experience sexual coercion at higher rates than gay men, the results of this study suggest lesbians are not more likely than gay men to be classified as victims of sexual coercion. Gay men also were found to experience a significantly higher mean number of coercive experiences. Other analyses specific to the type of coercion experienced and the severity of the sexual coercion outcomes (penetration) revealed no gender differences, however. Limitations and directions for future research are discussed.
340.) M. Schwartz, S. G. O’Leary, K. T. Kendziora: Dating aggression among high school students, in: Violence and Victims, 12 1997, 295-305.
Links were examined among physical aggression toward a dating partner, parental aggression, and justification of physical aggression during an argument in a sample of 228 (122 male and 106 female) high school students. Forty-four percent of females and 16% of males reported engaging in at least one physically aggressive behavior toward a dating partner during a disagreement, with the modal form of aggression being push, grab or shove for both males and females. The probability that a male, but not a female, would aggress was significantly predicted by parental aggression and justification of aggression. Among aggressive students, the extent of males‘ aggression was strongly predicted by their justification of aggression; the extent of females‘ aggression was not predictable. Implications for prevention and intervention programs are discussed.
341.) E. Grandin, E. Lupri: Intimate violence in Canada and the United States: A cross-national comparison, in: Journal of Family Violence, 12(4) 1997, 417-443.
Using data from the 1985 U.S. National Family Violence Resurvey and the 1986 Canadian National Family Life Survey this paper compares incidence of intimate violence or „common couple violence“ (Johnson, 1995) in both countries. As expected, gender symmetry characterizes common couple violence, which is a product of the privatized setting of many American and Canadian households. Although the United Slates exhibits significantly higher rates of societal violent crime than Canada, Canadian women and men were more likely than their American counterparts to use severe intimate violence and to inflict it, as well as minor violence, more often, which is contrary to the culture of violence theory that guided the study. Similarly the higher rates of wife-to-husband severe violence across the life course in both countries are inconsistent with the theory. Several ad hoc explanations are presented to account for these unexpected findings.
342.) P. W. Cook: Abused men. The hidden side of domestic violence, Westport, CN: Praeger 1997.
When most people think of domestic violence, images of battered women or abused children come to mind. But there is another side to this issue that is not as familiar–abused men. This unique book is the first to comprehensively examine this important but neglected social issue.
343.) L. FitzRoy: Mother/daughter rape: A challenge for feminism, in: S. Cook, J. Bessant (Hg.), Women’s encounters with violence: Australian experiences, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage 1997, 40-54.
I have argued that contemporary feminism has failed to believe, support, acknowledge, and appropriately respond to women who disclose their experiences of child sexual assault perpetrated by their mothers. As a consequence, such experiences are absent from feminist theorisations of sexual violence.
344.) A. A. Ernst, T. G. Nick, S. J. Weiss, D. Houry, T. Mills: Domestic violence in an inner-city ED, in: Annals of Emergency Medicine, 30 1997, 190-197.
We enrolled 516 patients, 233 men and 283 women. On the basis of ISA scoring, 14% of men and 22% of women had experienced past nonphysical violence (P=.02, men versus women), and 28% of men and 33% of women had experienced past physical violence (P=.35). Of the 157 men and 207 women with partners at the time of presentation, 11% of men and 15% of women reported present nonphysical violence (P=.20), and 20% of men and 19% of women reported physical violence (P=.71).
345.) M. O’Keefe: Predictors of dating violence among high school students, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 12 1997, 546-568.
This study examined dating violence in a racially/ethnically and socioeconomically diverse sample of high school students to determine what factors or group of factors best predicted inflicting dating violence using a social-learning-theory-based model. Numerous variables belonging to one of three domains were entered into hierarchical multiple regression analyses. Findings revealed that males were more likely to inflict violence against a dating partner when they had witnessed more interparental violence; believed that male-female dating violence was justifiable; used alcohol/drugs; were the recipients of dating violence; and experienced more conflict in their dating relationships. Females were more likely to be violent toward a dating partner when they believed that female-to-male dating violence was justifiable and that male-to-female violence was not justifiable; experienced more conflict in the dating relationship; were the recipients of dating violence; used alcohol or drugs; and felt the relationship was more serious. The context of the violence was also examined and the implications of the study were addressed.
346.) Colin Crawford: Forbidden Femininity: Child Sexual Abuse and Female Sexuality. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Publishing Co 1997.
This text examines the darker side of female sexuality, which has a greater tendency towards sadism, and an impulse to male domination than previously supposed. While this feminine dispassion is normally repressed, and defended against, as a social and internal psychical imperative, it does find expression under particular circumstances. The study considers accounts of female sexual fantasy, presented case studies, action research, and analyses survivors accounts of sexual abuse by women, all of which suggest a sadistic orientation in feminine sexuality. The evidence presented seeks to directly contradict social expectations of, and demands upon, „the feminine“ and the „maternal“.
347.) D. Vasquez, R. Falcone: Cross gender violence, in: Annals of Emergency Medicine, 29(3) 1997, 427-429.
Reports equal cross gender violence treated at an Ohio trauma center during an 11 mouth period. Of 1,400 trauma admissions, 37 patients <18 men, 19 women> sustained injuries inflicted by members of the opposite sex. The severity score of injury was higher for men than women, 11.4 vs 6.9. The majority of men were admitted for stab wounds, 72%; the majority of women for assault, 53%.
348.) D. M. Capaldi, L. Crosby: Observed and reported psychological and physical aggression in young, at-risk couples, in: Social Development, 6 1997, 184-206.
The occurrence of observed and reported physical and psychological aggression was examined for young, at-risk mostly unmarried couples using reports from both partners and observational data. It was predicted that males higher in antisocial behavior would be more likely to have an antisocial partner and that antisocial behavior would predict aggression toward the partner. The prevalence of reported physical aggression was comparable to that found for prior studies and was generally higher for the young women than the young men.
349.) D. M. Busby & S. V. Compton: Patterns of sexual coercion in adult heterosexual relationships: An exploration of male victimization, in: Family Process, 36(1) 1997, 81-94.
350.) L. Magdol, T. E. Moffitt, A. Caspi, J. Fagan, D. L. Newman, P. A. Silva: Gender differences in partner violence in a birth cohort of 21 year Olds: bridging the gap between clinical and epidemiological approaches, in: Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 65 1997, 68-78.
This study describes partner violence in a representative sample of young adults. Physical violence perpetration was reported by 37.2% of women and 21.8% of men. Correlates of involvement in severe physical violence differed by gender. Severe physical violence was more strongly associated with unemployment, low educational attainment, few social support resources, polydrug use, antisocial personality disorder symptoms, depression symptoms, and violence toward strangers for men than for women. Women who were victims of severe physical violence were more likely than men who were victims to experience symptoms of anxiety. The findings converge with community studies showing that more women than men are physically violent toward a partner and with clinical studies highlighting violence perpetrated against women by men with deviant characteristics.
351.) H. M. Gray, V. Foshee: Adolescent dating violence, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 12 1997, 126-142.
One hundred and eighty-five adolescents in the 6th to 12th grades responded to a questionnaire about dating violence and dating violence correlates. Study analysis was limited to the 77 students who reported involvement in dating violence in their most recent or current dating relationship. Differences in amount and severity of violence, injuries sustained, relationship characteristics, and individual characteristics across dating violence profile were assessed. About 66% of students reporting violence reported that the violence was mutual. Individuals in mutually violent relationships reported receiving and perpetrating significantly more violence than individuals involved in one-sided violent relationships as victims only or perpetrators only, respectively. Implications are made for treatment and prevention efforts.
352.) R. Rosenfeld: Changing relationships between men and women. A note on the decline in intimate partner violence, in: Homicide Studies, 1 1997, 72-83.
Using a rich data set for St. Louis, this article documents a substantial decline in intimate partner homicide over the past 25 years, compares intimate partner events with other types of homicide, and explores the relationship between changes over time in the level and type of intimate partner homicide and the living arrangements of men and women. The author finds that much of the decrease in partner homicide is a function of the declining rate of marriage and that, in certain key respects, homicides involving unmarried couples more closely resemble acquaintance homicides than spousal homicides. Finally, the author proposes that some of the broad social changes involving marriage and family that have contributed to the decline in intimate partner homicide may be deeply implicated in the dramatic rise in youth violence over the past 10 years.
353.) S. Malik, S. B. Sorenson, C. S. Aneshensel: Community and dating violence among adolescents: perpetration and victimization, in: Journal of Adolescent Health, 21 1997, 291-302.
Exposure to weapons and violent injury in the community was the sole consistent predictor across the four outcomes. Gender generally was an important correlate of violence; there were substantial gender differences in the correlates of dating violence perpetration and victimization, but relatively few gender differences in the correlates of community violence involvement. Other demographic characteristics typically were of limited importance, and were largely accounted for by exposure to violence or other mediators. Personal norms about the circumstances under which the use of violence is perceived as justified were important for three of the four outcomes: community violence perpetration, and dating violence perpetration and victimization.
354.) L.K. Waldner-Haugrud, L.V. Gratch & B. Magruder: Victimization and perpetration in gay/lesbian relationships: Gender differences explored, in: Violence and Victims, 12 1997, 173-184
General results indicate that 47.5% of lesbians and 29.7% of gays have been victimized by a same-sex partner. Further, lesbians reported an overall perpetration rate of 38% compared to 21.8% for gay men.
355.) S. W. Mihalic, D. Elliot: A social learning theory model of marital violence, in: Journal of Family Violence, 12 1997, 21-46.
A social learning theory model of minor and severe marital violence offending and victimization among males and females was tested. Results support social learning as an important perspective in marital violence. However, males and females are impacted differently by their experiences with violence in childhood and adolescence. Prior experiences with violence have a more dramatic impact in the lives of females than males, both during adolescence and adulthood.
356.) Astrid Kalders, Helen Inkster, & Eileen Britt: Females who offend sexually against children in New Zealand, in: The Journal of Sexual Aggression, 3(1) 1997, 15-29.
The New Zealand National Police Computer Database was searched to identify all females who had been charged with sexual offences against children from 1978 to 1994 inclusive, and twenty-five females were identified who had offended sexually against children.
357.) C. M. Renzetti, C. H. Miley (Hg.): Violence in gay and lesbian domestic partnerships, New York: Haworth Press 1996.
Violence in Gay and Lesbian Domestic Partnerships provides a comprehensive analysis of same-sex domestic violence, addressing the major theoretical and treatment issues for both its victims and perpetrators. Its contents raise awareness among social service providers, of the problem of same-sex domestic violence and emphasize the need for special services for both victims and perpetrators. The publication of Violence in Gay and Lesbian Domestic Partnerships signifies the growing official recognition of domestic violence within lesbian and gay relationships as a social problem worthy of serious attention and intervention.
358.) M. A. Straus, S. L. Hamby, S. Boney-McCoy, D. B. Sugarman: The Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2). Development and preliminary psychometric data, in: Journal of Family Issues, 17 1996, 283-316.
This article describes a revised Conflict Tactics Scales (the CTS2) to measure psychological and physical attacks on a partner in a marital, cohabiting, or dating relationship; and also use of negotiation. The CTS2 has (a) additional items to enhance content validity and reliability; (b) revised wording to increase clarity and specificity; (c) better differentiation between minor and severe levels of each scale; (d) new scales to measure sexual coercion and physical injury; and (e) a new format to simplify administration and reduce response sets. Reliability ranges from .79 to .95. There is preliminary evidence of construct validity.
359.) D. S. Riggs, K. D. O’Leary: Aggression between heterosexual dating partners, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 11 1996, 519-540.
The authors used structural equation analyses of data obtained from a survey of 345 college undergraduates (232 women, 113 men) to test a predictive model of dating aggression based on the background-situational model proposed by Riggs and O’Leary (1989). Results offer initial support for the background-situational model. Among men and women, dating aggression was directly related to the individual’s attitudes about dating aggression, history of aggressive behavior, and conflict within the relationship. However, the predicted association between family of origin violence and attitudes toward aggression and general aggressive behavior was found only among women. Among men, the predictors explained more than 60% of the variance in the latent variable of relationship aggression; among women, 32% of the variance was explained. Discussion focuses on the utility of the background-situational model for understanding etiological factors of dating aggression and indentifying targets for interventions aimed at reducing the problem.
360.) Emanuel Peluso, Nicholas Putnam: Case Study: Sexual Abuse of Boys by Females, in: Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 35(1) 1996, 51-54.
361.) N. T. Feather: Domestic violence, gender and perceptions of justice, in: Sex Roles, 35 1996, 507-519.
This study investigated reactions to a hypothetical scenario describing a domestic dispute that ended in violence. In the scenario either the husband or the wife was the perpetrator of the physical violence, the violence either occurred under stress or after deliberation, and the perpetrator was subsequently jailed for 2 years. Results from 220 participants (109 males, 111 females) from metropolitan Adelaide, South Australia, showed significant main effects of stimulus person. Participants were more negative to the husband than to the wife in regard to responsibility for the offense, deservingness of the penalty, seriousness of the offense, perceived harshness of the penalty, reported positive affect, and reported sympathy. These main effects were qualified by interaction effects involving stimulus person (husband, wife) and situation (stress, deliberation), and stimulus person and gender of participant. The results suggested that there were different patterns of belief about the dynamics of domestic violence as well as a degree of in-group or same gender favoritism when female participants responded to the scenario involving the wife.
362.) D. R. Jezl, C. E. Molidor, T. L. Wright: Physical, sexual, and psychological abuse in high school dating relationships: Prevalence rates and self-esteem issues, in: Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, 13(1) 1996, 69-87.
The present study examined the rates of victimization by physical, sexual and psychological abuse in adolescent dating relationships, with self-esteem being explored as a mediating variable. Subjects included 257 students from a coed, ethnically diverse, religiously affiliated high school. Information was obtained using a self-report questionnaire on teenage dating behaviors. Of the 114 male and 118 female subjects who had dating experience, 59% had been victimized at least once in some past or current dating relationship by physical violence, 96% had experienced some form of psychological maltreatment and 15% had been forced to engage in sexual activity. Significantly more males than females reported experiencing physical abuse overall.
363.) M. S. Fiebert: College students‘ perception of men as victims of women’s assaultive behavior, in: Perceptual & Motor Skills, 82 1996, 49-50.
Recent reviews have indicated that women assault male partners as frequently as men assault women. This study explored college students’ awareness and acceptance of this finding. 371 subjects responding to a survey (91 men, 280 women) indicated that, while 138 were aware of the finding, 242 regardless of gender accepted the finding that men are frequent victims of women’s assaults in intimate relation-ships.
364.) M. Carrado, M. J. George, E- Loxam, L. Jones, D. Templar: Aggression in British heterosexual relationships: a descriptive analysis, in: Aggressive Behavior, 22 1996, 401-415.
This paper reports results for physical victimization and also reports on two further questions asked to discern context and meaning ascribed to such sustained or inflicted victimization. Both sexes reported having experienced physical victimization with a higher percentage of men sustaining victimization, mainly as a result of minor acts of assault.
365.) I. L. Lottes, M. S. Weinberg: Sexual coercion among university students: a comparison of the United States and Sweden, in: Journal of Sex Research, 34 1996, 67-76.
The finding that higher percentages of women reported experiences of sexual coercion than men reported perpetrating coercion is also consistent with U.S. studies (Craig, 1990). This could have a variety of explanations (e.g., fewer males coercing many females, different definitions of coercion by gender, lying, nonstudent perpetrators, male denial, or a low male response rate in which a high proportion of coercers were among the nonrespondents). More research in the area is needed to provide a basis for theoretical explanations of these findings.
366.) S. B. Sorenson, D. M. Upchurch, H. Shen: Violence and injury in marital arguments: risk patterns and gender differences, in: American Journal of Public Health, 66(1) 1996, 35-40.
Community-based research on violence against women typically focuses on marital arguments rather than on resulting injuries. This study investigated patterns of victimization, violence perpetration, and injury in marital arguments. METHODS. Data from the National Survey on Families and Households and binomial and multinomial logit models were used to analyze characteristics of those who experienced physical violence, as well as to determine who was the perpetrator and who was the victim. RESULTS. Men and women reported similar behaviors during verbal arguments. Young persons, urban dwellers, the less educated, those with low incomes, and Blacks were more likely to report that there had been physical violence in their marriages in the past year. Ethnicity, income, education, and number and age of children at home were not associated consistently with injury of the wife, the husband, or both. CONCLUSIONS. Persons who report physical violence in their marriage are very similar to those who are at increased risk of interpersonal violence in general. The co-occurrence of street and other nonfamily violence with spousal violence may be a fruitful area for future research.
367.) V. A. Foshee: Gender differences in adolescent dating abuse prevalence, types and injuries, in: Health Education Research, 11(3) 1996, 275-286.
The significant findings are that (1) females perpetrate more mild, moderate and severe violence than males towards partners even when controlling for violence perpetrated in self-defense; (2) females perpetrate more violence than males out of self-defense; (3) males perpetrate more sexual dating violence than females; (4) males and females sustain equal amounts of mild, moderate and severe dating violence; (5) females sustain more sexual dating violence than males; (6) females sustain more psychological abuse than males from their partners; and (7) females receive more injuries than males from dating violence.
368.) D. Vivian, J. Langhinrichsen-Rohling: Are bi-directionally violent couples mutually victimized?, in: L. K. Hamberge, C. Renzetti (Hg.): Domestic partner abuse, New York: Springer 1996, 23-52.
Authors found using a modified version of the CTS, that in a sample of 57 mutually aggressive couples, there were no significant differences between husbands‘ and wives‘ reports concerning the frequency and severity of assault victimization. With regard to injuries, 32 wives and 25 husbands reported the presence of a physical injury which resulted from partner aggression.
369.) J. Gemünden: Gewalt gegen Männer in heterosexuellen Intimpartnerschaften. Ein Vergleich mit dem Thema Gewalt gegen Frauen auf der Basis einer kritischen Auswertung empirischer Untersuchungen, Tectum Verlag 1996.
In der vorliegenden Arbeit über die von Frauen an ihren männlichen Partner verübte Gewalt behandelt der Autor ein zwar von der Sensationspresse gerne aufgegriffenes, aber in den Sozialwissenschaften – sicher auch aus politischen Gründen – nur am Rande bearbeitetes Thema.
370.) M. A. Straus: Trends in cultural norms and rates of partner violence: An update to 1992, in: S. M. Stich, M. A. Straus (Hg.): Understanding partner violence: Prevalence, causes, consequences, and solutions, Minneapolis, MN: National Council on Family Relations 1995, 30-33.
In the previous chapter we suggested that cultural norms concerning partner violence had changed as a result of the feminist movement, but we had no empirical data to support this suggestion. Since then we used newly available data to carry out an analysis of changes in norms concerning couple violence and these findings will be summarized.
371.) J. R. Bohannon, D. A. Dosser Jr., S. E. Lindley: Using couple data to determine domestic violence rates: An attempt to replicate previous work, in: Violence and Victims, 10 1995, 133-41.
The purpose of this study was to replicate her methodology by using all items measuring severe violence in the latest CTS scale with 94 military couples, to see if couple reports of violence indicated higher rates of violence compared to individual spouses‘ reports. Results were similar to Szinovacz’s findings, and support the advisability of using both spouses to report violence in marriages.
372.) Nathaniel McConaghy, Ruth Zamir: Heterosexual and Homosexual Coercion, Sexual Orientation and Sexual Roles in Medical Students, in: Archives of Sexual Behavior, 24(5) 1995, 489-502.
Rape has been conceptualized on a dimension of normal male behavior. The Koss and Oros (1982) study used a questionnaire that allowed men to respond only as sexual aggressors of women, and women only as victims of men. Medical students‘ responses to a modified questionnaire, in which both sexes reported being aggressors and/or victims, revealed that relatively comparable proportions of men and women were victims of coercive experiences: 35% of women and 30% of men experiencing constant physical attempts to have sexual activity. Forms of coercion not involving threat or use of force were more common, more exclusively heterosexual, and carried out by more equivalent percentages of men and women. 15% of women and 12% of men felt initially coerced into sexual activity but then enjoyed it. Threat or use of force to attempt to or to obtain intercourse were employed by 4% of men and 2% of women and experienced by 5% of both sexes. Half the male victims and female aggressors and a quarter of the male aggressors and female victims who reported such coercion stated it was homosexual. The ratio of homosexual/heterosexual feelings reported by male, but not female, students correlated with the degree of the homosexual coercion they both carried out and experienced. The degree of sexual coercion carried out by men and women correlated with their masculine sex role scores, suggesting, if the dimensional concept of rape is valid, that rape is on a continuum with masculine rather than male behaviors.
373.) L. Foo, G. Margolin: A multivariate investigation of dating aggression. Journal of Family Violence, 10 1995, 351-377.
One hundred and eleven male and 179 female undergraduates reported on their own aggressive behaviors directed toward dating partners. Together, the predictor variables accounted for 41% of the variance in male-to-female aggression but only 16% of the female-to-male aggression. Humiliation, as a justification for dating aggression, contributes to the prediction of both males‘ and females‘ dating aggression, while self-defense, although a highly endorsed condition for justifying dating aggression, does not predict actual aggressive behavior.
374.) Margaret M. Rudin, Christine Zalewski, Jeffrey Bodmer-Turner: Characteristics of child sexual abuse victims according to perpetrator gender, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 19(8) 1995, 963-973.
Both lone female and lone male perpetrators abused more girls (62%, 76%, respectively) than boys. Female perpetrators were more likely to be caretakers than male perpetrators, whereas male perpetrators were more likely to be strangers than female perpetrators. Lastly, lone female perpetrators, lone male perpetrators, and male/female coperpetrators did not differ regarding severity of abuse. Thus, contrary to popular assumption, abuse by female perpetrators was not less severe than abuse by male perpetrators.
375.) B. J. Morse: Beyond the Conflict Tactics Scale: Assessing gender differences in partner violence, in: Violence and Victims, 10(4) 1995, 251-272.
Previous studies of partner assault, particularly those using the Conflict Tactics Scales, have produced the controversial finding that women are as likely to assault their partners as are men. Such findings are clearly at odds with medical, legal, and social service agencies which find that women are far more often the victims of partner assault. Self-reported data from a national sample of young adults were used to determine the extent to which this apparent discrepancy could be reconciled. Results confirm previous findings of extensive violence by women, with little evidence of systematic over-or underreporting by either men or women. However, although both men and women engaged in frequent minor assaults, men were more likely than women to repeatedly beat their partner during the course of a year. In addition, women were far more likely than men to suffer physical injury and seek medical treatment as a consequence of incidents of male violence. Taken together, these findings somewhat reconcile the discrepancy regarding partner assault: women are more often than men the victims of severe partner assault and injury not necessarily because men strike more often, but because men strike harder.
376.) Jennifer Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Peter Neidig, and George Thorn: Violent Marriages: Gender Differences in Levels of Current Violence and Past Abuse, in: Journal of Family Violence, 10(2) 1995, 159-176.
377.) C. M. Lillja: Why women abuse: A study examining the function of abused men, Unpublished master’s thesis, California State University, Long Beach 1995.
A review of the literature examining the issue of men as victims of female assaults. Includes an original questionnaire to test assumption that women who lack social support to combat stress are likely to commit domestic violence.
378.) Ronald B. Flowers: Female Crime, Criminals, and Cellmates: An Exploration of Female Criminality and Delinquency. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co 1995.
In the United States female crime has grown at a faster rate than male crime over the past couple of decades. Despite this, only limited research has been done by criminologists, psychologists and sociologists on this growing problem.
379.) Cindy Struckman-Johnson, David Struckman-Johnson: Men pressured and forced into sexual experience, in: Archive of Sexual Behavior, 23(1) 1994, 93-114.
A predominantly heterosexual sample of 204 college men were asked to report incidents of pressured or forced sexual touch or intercourse since age 16. About 34% indicated they had received coercive sexual contact: 24% from women, 4% from men, and 6% from both sexes. Contact involved only sexual touching for 12% and intercourse for 22%. Sexual contact was pressured in 88% of the 81 reported incidents by tactics of persuasion, intoxication, threat of love withdrawal, and bribery. In 12% of the incidents, sexual contact was forced through physical restraint, physical intimidation, threat of harm, or harm. Contact was initiated by an acquaintance or intimate in 77% of incidents. The negative emotional impact of male contact was rated significantly higher than the impact of female contact. Men with and without coercion experience did not differ, however, for scale scores on sexual esteem, depression, and preoccupation. Interviews with 10 subjects revealed complex reactions to coercive male and female contact, including doubts about one’s sexuality, resentment of unexpected or forceful contact, and fear of telling others about the event.
380.) Vallerie Coleman: Lesbian Battering: The Relationship Between Personality and the Perpetration of Violence, in: Violence and Victims, 9(2) 1994, 139-152.
The occurrence of violence in lesbian relationships challenges societal stereotypes of women and traditional, sociopolitical theories of domestic violence. This article proposes that a multidimensional theory of partner abuse, which incorporates an emphasis on individual personality dynamics, is needed to more fully understand the heterogeneity of batterers. The relationship between psychopathology, sociocultural factors, and battering in lesbian relationships is examined and dynamics related to the borderline and narcissistic disorders are highlighted. In order to improve our understanding of domestic violence and provide effective treatment, we must continue to pursue critical thinking and research regarding the role of personality dynamics, and the relationship between these dynamics and other variables.
381.) R. J. Gelles: Research and advocacy: Can one wear two hats?, in: Family Process, 33 1994, 93-95.
The author suggests that Jacobson underestimates the gap between feminist research and theory and theories that employ environmental factors or contextualism. Academic research should be objective and dispassionate, while advocacy is passionate.
382.) D. G. Dutton: Patriarchy and wife assault: The ecological fallacy, in: Violence & Victims, 9(2) 1994, 167-182.
A critical review is made of feminist analyses of wife assault postulating that patriarchy is a direct cause of wife assault. Data are reviewed from a variety of studies indicating that (a) lesbian battering is more frequent than heterosexual battering, (b) no direct relationship exists between power and violence within couples, and (c) no direct relationship exists between structural patriarchy and wife assault. It is concluded that patriarchy must interact with psychological variables in order to account for the great variation in power-violence data. It is suggested that some forms of psychopathology may lead to some men adopting patriarchal ideology to justify and rationalize their own pathology.
383.) J. W. White, Humphrey: Women’s aggression in heterosexual conflicts, in: Aggressive Behavior, 20 1994, 195-202.
Using a longitudinal design, prior experience with violence as a victim and opportunity to aggress were examined as predictors of college women’s verbal and physical aggression toward romantic partners. Five additional categories of predictors identified in previous research (experienced and witnessed parental aggression during childhood, attitudes accepting of aggression, aggressive/impulsive personality attributes, psychopathology, and prior use of aggression) were also examined. Blockwise hierarchical regression analyses were performed to reveal the best predictors of verbal and physical aggression during the first year of college. Significant predictors of verbal aggression were prior use of verbal aggression in heterosexual conflicts during adolescence, witnessed parental aggression, level of adolescent sexual victimization, being a target of rational conflict strategies during adolescence, and use of physical aggression in romantic adolescent relationships, as well as self-reported verbal aggression as an index of personality, weak emotional ties, number of sexual partners, and approval of sexual intimacy in many types of relationships. Significant predictors of physical aggression were prior use of physical aggression during adolescence, witnessing and experiencing parental aggression, being a victim of physical aggression in adolescent romantic relationships, weak emotional ties, low levels of alcohol/drug use, and opportunity to aggress. A developmental model of aggression in which childhood experiences with family violence contribute to the likelihood of subsequent involvement in relationship violence seems appropriate. Past experience with aggression may be particularly important for women. Cultural expectations about women’s roles do not provide the social support for female aggression that is provided for male aggression. Adolescent sexual victimizations and general involvement in conflictual relationships (as target and perpetrator) predicted subsequent verbal aggression, whereas experiencing family violence and sustaining physical aggression in romantic relationships predicted subsequent physical aggression.
384.) C. S. Tang: Prevalence of spouse aggression in Hong Kong, in: Journal of Family Violence, 9 1994, 347-356.
The present study explored the extent of spouse aggression in Chinese families in Hong Kong. Subjects were 246 female and 136 male undergraduate students who reported on the various forms of interparental aggression and violence. About 75% of the subjects reported interparental verbal or symbolic aggression and 14% indicated the use of physical violence between parents. In general, compared to mothers, fathers engaged in more verbal aggression against their spouses. Mothers were as likely as fathers to use actual physical force toward their spouses. Interparental responses to family conflicts did not vary with children’s gender except that female subjects observed that fathers reasoned less but engaged in more insulting, throwing, smashing, hitting, or kicking things than mothers.
385.) P. Y. Symons, M. W. Groer, P. Kepler-Youngblood, V. Slater: Prevalence and Predictors of Adolescent Dating Violence, in: Journal of Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Nursing, 7(3) 1994, 14-23.
This study of 561 rural North Carolina adolescents examined relationships among race, parental educational level, family structure, parental discipline, family violence exposure, and dating violence experiences. The sample was predominantly female (77%), with 40% black and 58% white. The subjects ranged in age from 15 to 20 years; 80% of the adolescents were 16-18. Dating violence experiences were assessed by a researcher-constructed instrument measuring warning signs of potential violence and actual violent experiences. The results suggested that recognition of abusive relationships is difficult, with many adolescents denying such a relationship but actually reporting numerous abusive events. Sixty percent had experienced violent acts during dating relationships; 24% reported extreme violence (episodes of rape, use of weapons). More than 20% of the adolescents reported family violence and 2.2% reported family sexual abuse. The study suggests new avenues for research in adolescent date violence, and for interventions with high risk groups.
386.) J.W. White & R.M. Kowalski: Deconstructing the Myth of the Non-aggressive Female: a Feminist Analysis, in: Psychology of Women Quarterly, 18 1994, 477-498.
One of the most pervasive and undisputed gender stereotypes is that men are more aggressive than women. However, this stereotype has, until recently, led researchers to conclude that women are nonaggressive and, therefore, to ignore the topic of female aggression as a distinct phenomenon. The basis of the myth, factors supporting its maintenance, and theories of female aggression are examined.
387.) M. L. Clark, J. Beckett, M. Wells, D. Dungee-Anderson: Courtship Violence among African-American college students, in: Journal of Black Psychology, 20(3) 1994, 264-281.
This study explored the relationship between family interactions, personality variables, and courtship violence. African American college students who were dating were administered the Conflict Tactics Scale and a series of other measures. Findings indicate that more than half of the Afncan Americanfemales and males had insulted, refused to talk to, or made spiteful comments to a dating partner Females reported using more physical violence against a dating partner than did males. The studyfound the perception of the dating partner’s behavior to be more important than any other variable in determining whether violence is used to resolve conflict in dating relationships. The article discusses how these findings compare to other courtship violence research and concludes with implications for clinical practice.
388.) M. A. Straus, G. Kaufman Kantor, D. W. Moore: Change in cultural norms approving marital violence from 1968 to 1994, Paper presented at the American Sociological Association, Los Angeles, CA 1994.
Compared surveys conducted in 1968 <n=1,176>, 1985 <n=6,002>, 1992 <n=1,970>, and 1994 <n=524>, with regard to the approval of facial slapping by a spouse. Approval of slapping by husbands decreased from 21% in 1968 to 13% in 1985, to 12% in 1992, to 10% in 1994. The approval of slapping by wives was 22% in 1968 and has not declined over the years.
389.) M. J. George: Riding the donkey backwards: Men as the unacceptable victims of marital violence, in: Journal of Men’s Studies, 3 1994, 137-159.
This paper addresses the question of male victimization by reviewing research studies and literature in which domestic violence directed against husbands/male partners has been found or considered. Further, I argue that more research is needed to help define the similarities and differences between male and female victims of domestic violence.
390.) J. Langhinrichsen-Rohling, D. Vivian: The correlates of spouses‘ incongruent reports of marital aggression, in: Journal of Family Violence, 9 1994, 265-283.
Husbands‘ and wives‘ reports (n=97 couples) of engaging in or experiencing marital aggression were compared to determine congruence. Congruence was defined as spousal agreement on whether either spouse had been nonviolent, mildly violent, or severely maritally violent within the past year. Whereas approximately equal numbers of clinic couples were incongruent for husband and for wife violence (32% vs. 31%), only incongruence for husband violence (H W) was found to correlate with reports of affective and relationship functioning. Incongruent H W wives were more likely to be depressed and angry. H W incongruent wives were also more negative about the inter-spousal communication and rated the relationship as more unsatisfactory for them than did congruent wives.
391.) M. A. Straus, G. Kaufman Kantor: Change in spouse assault rates from 1975-1992: A comparison of three national surveys in the United States, Paper presented at the Thirteenth World Congress of Sociology, Bielefeld, Germany 1994.
392.) C. L. Stacy, L. M. Schandel, W. S. Flannery, M. Conlon, R. M. Milardo: It’s not all moonlight and roses: dating violence at the University of Maine, 1982-1992, in: College Student Journal, 28 1994, 2-9.
Compared surveys conducted in 1982 and 1987 at the University of Maine with regard to the types of dating violence reported and the overall current rates of dating violence. 160 students were surveyed. Gender differences in reporting specific types of violence were also compared. The overall rate of dating violence has more than doubled since 1982 and suggests that 1 in 5 college students has experienced some form of dating violence within their more recent dating relationship. Explanations for the significant differences in reported rates by gender are suggested.
393.) R. Sommer: Male and female partner abuse: Testing a diathesis-stress model, Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Canada 1994.
The study was in two waves: the first was from 1989-1990 and included a random sample of 452 married or cohabiting women and 447 married or cohabiting men from Winnipeg, Canada; the second was from 1991-1992 and included 368 women and 369 men all of whom participated in the first wave. Subjects completed the CTS & other assessment instruments. 39.1% of women reported being physically aggressive (16.2% reporting having perpetrated severe violence) at some point in their relationship with their male partner. While 26.3% of men reported being physically aggressive (with 7.6% reporting perpetrating severe violence) at some point in their relationship with their female partner. Among the perpetrators of partner abuse, 34.8% of men and 40.1% of women reported observing their mothers hitting their fathers. Results indicate that 21% of „males‘ and 13% of females‘ partners required medical attention as a result of a partner abuse incident.“ Results also indicate that „10% of women and 15% of men perpetrated partner abuse in self defense.
394.) Lettie Lockhart, Barbara White, Vicky Causby, Alicia Isaac: Letting Out the Secret: Violence in Lesbian Relationships, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 9(4) 1994, 469-492.
Over the past 2 decades, a variety of studies on domestic violence has confirmed that abuse is widespread. This increased attention to violence in intimate relationships has been focused on heterosexual couples, despite the assertion that 4-10% of the population is homosexual. Violence among lesbian couples has largely been ignored by family violence researchers, but clinical practitioners who are sought out by the battered and/or the batterers for therapy are well aware of the extent and nature of the battering that takes place in these relationships, and that battering is not limited to heterosexual relationships. This exploratory study takes a step toward an understanding of lesbian violence by examining the incidence, forms, and correlates of violence in lesbian relationships. Based upon the responses of 284 lesbians to a questionnaire, it was found that lesbian violence is not a rare phenomenon. This finding reflects the need for further research into this social problem in all intimate relationships, including homosexual relationships.
395.) C. LeJeune, V. Follette: Taking Responsibility. Sex Differences in reporting dating violence, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 91994, 133-140.
College students (n=465) were surveyed regarding their frequency of inflicting and sustaining aggression in their dating relationships. Findings suggest that males are less likely than females to take responsibility for violence and more likely to place blame on their partner. Males were also more likely to indicate the use of alcohol or drugs during violent episodes. (JPS)
396.) Gwen Adshead, Mimi Howett, & Fiona Mason: Women who sexually abuse children: The undiscovered country, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, 1(1) 1994, 45-56.
397.) Sharon Wolffordt, Delbert Elliott Mihalic, and Scott Menard: Continuities in Marital Violence, in: Journal of Family Violence, 9(3) 1994, 195-225.
Prior minor assault may be a relevant factor for victims because 86% of the female victims in our sample have also perpetrated acts of aggression against their male partners at T1, suggesting that females have also learned violence in other contexts, and now use violence within the contexts of their marriages, which may create a cycle of violence involving both partners.
398.) K. M. Bachmann, F. Moggi & F. Stirnemann-Lewis: Mother-son incest and its long-term consequences: A neglected phenomenon in psychiatric practice, in: Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 182 1994, 723-725.
399.) F. Scott Christopher, Laura A. Owens, Heidi L. Stecker: An Examination of single Men’s and Women’s Sexual Aggressiveness in Dating Relationships, in: Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 10(4) 1993, 511-527.
This study focused on two forms of sexual aggression used in dating: pressure and manipulation, and antisocial acts. Two research questions were addressed using the responses of 463 males and 455 females. First, single men and women, and individuals with different commitment levels and different sexual motivations were compared in their use of sexual aggression. Significant interactions demonstrated these variables‘ importance. Second, the sexual aggression measures were regressed on individual and relationship variables. For men, attitudes, number of coital partners and relationship conflict were significant predictors of both forms of aggression, while feeling hostility toward women was predictive only for pressure and manipulation. For women, attitudes, number of coital partners and anger turned inward were predictive of both forms of aggression. Additionally, holding adversarial sexual beliefs and relationship ambivalence were predictive only for pressure and manipulation while relationship conflict was predictive only for antisocial acts. The importance of considering male and female sexual aggression in dating is discussed.
400.) Peter Anderson: Sexual victimization: It happens to boys, too, in: Louisiana Association for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance Journal, 57(1) 1993, 12.
One of the common myths about sexual victimization in our culture is that men or boys are rarely victims of sexual abuse, especially with women as the sexual aggressors (Sarrel & Masters, 1982). Supporting this myth are two other myths: 1) that women don’t or can’t victimize men due to basic differences in size and strength, 2) that women have a special relationship with children (much more bodily contact, affection, and more caregiving activities including changing diapers and other associated nonsexual activities) that precludes sexual victimization (Finkelhor, 1979).
Despite these myths there is a new body of evidence that indicates that males are at risk of sexual victimization from childhood on. In a study of male runaways (McCormack, 1986), 38% had been victims of childhood sexual abuse. In other studies, 56% of male serial rapists (Burgess, Hartman, McCausland, and Powers, 1984) and 17% of male college students had been sexually victimized (Finkelhor, 1979). In a recent study conducted at Texas A&M University significantly more men than women (62.7% vs. 46.3%) self-reported that they had engaged in heterosexual intercourse „when they did not want to…“ (Muehlenhard & Cook, 1988). Anderson and Aymami (in press) related that both women and men reported that women used tactics to achieve sexual contact with men commonly defined as sexually coercive, abusive, or violent. Relevant to this paper, 7.5% of women surveyed by Anderson and Aymami self-reported initiating sexual contact (kissing, fondling, or intercourse) with a man who was in a compromising position (i.e., being where he did not belong or breaking some rule).
401.) Adele Mayer: Women Sex Offenders: Treatment and Dynamics, Holmes Beach, FL: Learning Publications, Inc 1992.
402.) P. Pedersen, C. D. Thomas: Prevalence and correlates of dating violence in a Canadian University sample, in: Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 24 1992, 490-501.
Assessed the prevalence and correlates of dating violence among 116 female and 50 male undergraduates. Ss responded to the Conflict Tactics Scale, a self-esteem inventory, and questions regarding their course major, demographic characteristics, and current or most recent dating relationship. 52 women and 24 men reported having experienced physical violence in their current or most recent dating relationship. Ss who reported dating violence also reported greater relationship commitment, longer relationship durations, and higher levels of reasoning and verbal aggression strategies than did Ss who did not report dating violence. Women reported more frequent expressions of physically and verbally aggressive conflict resolution tactics than did men. Men were more likely than women to report being the targets of verbal and physical aggression by their partners.
403.) J. Macchietto: Aspects of male victimization and female aggression: Implications for counseling men, in: Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 14 1992, 375-392.
Challenges stereotypes of men as perpetrators of violence and women as their victims. Reviews statistics and research in violent crime, domestic violence, and sexual abuse. Notes that viewing how men are victimized allows for more comprehensive understanding of victimization of men and women. Suggests strategies to aid in clinical recognition and treatment of male victimization and female aggression.
404.) M. I. Wilson, M. Daley: Who kills whom in spouse killings? On the exceptional sex ratio of spousal homicides in the United States, in: Criminology, 30 1992, 189-215.
Authors summarize research which indicates that between 1976 and 1985, for every 100 men who killed their wives, about 75 women killed their husbands.Authors report original data from a number of cities, e.g., Chicago, Detroit, Houston, where the ratio of wives as perpetrators exceeds that of husbands.
405.) R. J. H. Russell, B. Hulson: Physical and psychological abuse of heterosexual partners, in: Personality and Individual Differences, 13 1992, 457-473.
Fifty-three couples completed a set of questionnaires relating to their personality, habits, marriage, family background, and the frequency and type of their abusive behaviour towards one another. Despite the introduction of modified wording to a number of personality items, they were shown to produce reliable scales. Levels of reported abuse were shown to be, if anything, higher than in America. A number of correlations were found with abuse by each partner. For example, wives with low self-esteem tend to be abusive, as are husbands who are irritable, low in self-esteem, stressed, aggressive when drunk, and who do not disapprove of violence between spouses. The number of potential causal factors was reduced by using multiple regression. Subsequently, causal modelling was used to produce a parsimonious account of the data. The final model led to the conclusion that abusive behaviour by the husband can be mainly attributed to his tolerant attitude to spouse abuse, while much of the abusive behaviour of the wife can be regarded as a reaction to an abusive husband.
406.) J. Bookwala, I. H.Frieze, C. Smith & K. Ryan: Predictors of dating violence: A multi variate analysis, in: Violence and Victims, 7 1992, 297-311.
407.) B. Watkins & A. Bentvom: The sexual abuse of male children and adolescents: a review of current research, in: Journal of Clinical Psychology & Psychiatry, 33(10) 1992, 197-248.
408.) M. B. Caulfield, D. S. Riggs: The assessment of dating aggression: Empirical evaluation of the Conflict Tactics Scale, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 4 1992, 549-558.
Presents two studies that examined the component structure of the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS) in unmarried college students. In Study 1, analyses revealed a four-component solution. For Study 2, the samples‘ component solution was consistent with those found in earlier studies of the CTS with married samples. Implications are discussed. (RJM)
409.) A. DeMaris: Male versus female initiation of aggression: The case of courtship violence, in: E. C. Viano (Hg.): Intimate violence: interdisciplinary perspectives, Bristol, PA: Taylor & Francis 1992, 111-120.
Examined a sample of 865 white and black college students with regard to the initiation of violence in their dating experience. Found that 218 subjects, 80 men and 138 women, had experienced or expressed violence in current or recent dating relationships. Results indicate that „when one partner could be said to be the usual initiator of violence, that partner was most often the women. This finding was the same for both black and white respondents.
410.) Merlin B. Brinkerhoff, Elaine Grandin, Eugen Lupri: Religious Involvement and Spousal Violence: The Canadian Case, in: Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 31(1) 1992, 15-31.
Also the „religious patriarchy“ thesis was not supported: Conservative Christian men do not abuse their partners significantly more often than do affiliates of other denominations, but Conservative Christian women appear to do so.
411.) Claire M. Renzetti: Violent Betrayal: Partner Abuse in Lesbian Relationships, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications 1992.
Based on a nationwide study of violence in lesbian relationships, this comprehensive, accessible volume derives from a common theme expressed by the subjects: the sense of having been betrayed, first by their lovers, and subsequently by a lesbian community which tends to deny the problem when victims seek help. Renzetti skillfully addresses several central issues: consequences for victims, batterers and the community as a whole; and what we can learn about domestic violence in general by studying violence in lesbian relationships. The research offers a fresh look at domestic violence by examining the phenomenon of women as perpetrators of intimate violence against women, at the same time making a clear distinction between battering and self defense. Students and professionals in victimology, gender studies, sociology, psychology, criminology, social work, clinical psychology, counseling, and family studies will not want to miss this brilliant work.
412.) K. Kim, Y. Cho: Epidemiological survey of spousal abuse in Korea, in: E. C. Viano (Hg.) Intimate Violence: Interdisciplinary Perspectives, Bristol, PA: Taylor and Francis 1992, 277-282.
Utilized the Conflict Tactics scale in interviews with a random sample of 1,316 married Koreans <707 women, 609 men>. Compared to findings with American couples, results indicate that Korean men were victimized by their wives twice as much as American men, while Korean women were victimized by their spouses three times as much as American women.
413.) M. Cascardi, J. Langhinrichsen, D. Vivian: Marital aggression: Impact, injury, and health correlates for husbands and wives, in: Archives of Internal Medicine, 152 1992, 1178-1184.
The overall aim of the current study was to comprehensively evaluate the prevalence, impact, and health correlates of marital aggression in a clinic sample of maritally discordant couples seeking psychological treatment. Participants were 93 consecutively presenting clinic couples and 16 maritally satisfied matched control couples from the community. Overall, 71% of clinic couples reported at least one act of marital aggression during the past year.
414.) R. Sommer, G. E. Barnes, R. P. Murray: Alcohol consumption, alcohol abuse, personality and female perpetrated spouse abuse, in: Journal of Personality and Individual Differences, 13 1992, 1315-1323.
As part of the Winnipeg Health and Drinking Survey, this study examined the problem of femaleperpetratedspouseabuse and its relationship to alcoholconsumption and personality. Subjects were drawn from a random sample of Winnipeg residents (N = 1257) between the ages of 18 and 65 years. For this study, data from the subsample of female subjects who were married or cohabiting (N = 452) were analyzed. Results show that more than 39% of female subjects participated in some form of spouseabuse with their male partners. Being young and having high scores on Eysenck’s psychoticism scale, the Neuroticism Index and the MacAndrew Scale were found to be significant risk factors in the occurence of partner abuse among females. Also, the interaction between alcoholconsumption and Eysenck’s psychoticism scale was found to be a weak but significant predictor for this form of violence.
415.) Christine Lawson: Clinical assessment of mother-son sexual abuse, in: Clinical Social Work Journal, 19(4) 1991, 391-403.
This paper explores the possibility that cases of mother-son incest are underreported in the literature on child sexual abuse. Clinical cases of mother-son incest are presented and factors which may account for an underreporting of such cases are discussed. A cultural bias viewing mothers as asexual and males as sexual aggressors is suggested as the primary reason that cases of maternal sexual abuse are rarely identified or reported.
416.) D. Struckman-Johnson, C. Struckman-Johnson: Men and women’s acceptance of coercive sexual strategies varied by initiator gender and couple intimacy, in: Sex Roles, 25(11-12) 1991, 661-676.
72 male and 86 female college students read vignettes describing 5 coercive strategies for obtaining sexual intercourse on a date. Ss rated the acceptability of strategies used by male and female initiators for couples who were or were not sexually intimate. Ss generally rejected all tactics. Results reveal a continuum of increasing rejection from verbal pressure and sexual stimulation, followed by mock force, followed by intoxication, and physical force. Although women were more rejecting of any strategy than were men, women were slightly less opposed to verbal pressure and stimulation for more sex than for 1st-time sex. Women equally rejected most male- and female-initiated strategies; men were more accepting of female-initiated strategies.
417.) Gwat-Yong Lie, Sabrina Gentlewarrier: Intimate Violence in Lesbian Relationshps. Discussion of Survey Findings and Practice Implications, in: Journal of Social Service Research, 15(1) 1991, 41-59.
This paper describes the findings of a survey of 1109 lesbians who attended the Women’s Music Festival held in Michigan in carly August 1985. The primary objectives of the study were to document the incidence of domestic violence in a non-random sample of lesbian relationships; to identify and describe the types of domestic violence experienced and/or perpetrated; and to ascertain thc availability and accessibility of community helping resources to survivors and perpetrators after an abusive episode. Comparisons with domestic violence in heterosexual relationships are also made, followed by a discussion on the research and practice implications of the findings.
418.) E. H. Thompson Jr.: The maleness of violence in dating relationships: an appraisal of stereotypes, in: Sex Roles, 24 1991, 261-278.
This study clarifies and adds to our understanding of how gender and gender orientation affect physical aggression in dating relationships. The stereotype of male violence assumes that men exclusively or nearly exclusively use abusive and violent behavior to manage conflict situations with an intimate partner, and that the more violent men will be more masculine. Data from a sample of 336 undergraduates indicate that the expected sex differences were not observed; among college students, physical aggression in dating relationships is not gender-specific. However, gender orientation was significantly related to courtship aggression. A more masculine and/or less feminine gender orientation and variations in relationship seriousness proved to be the two strongest predictors of both men’s and women’s involvement in courtship violence. Findings are discussed in terms of the masculine mystique and the male role norms in our culture’s superstructure.
419.) F. E. Gryl, S .M. Stith, G. W. Bird: Close dating relationships among college students: differences by use of violence and by gender, in: Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 8 1991, 243-264.
When negotiating, women more often used bargaining and emotional appeal. With respect to coping, women were more likely to use social support while men relied more often on self-control and escape/avoidance techniques. Implications of these findings are discussed.
420.) A. Tyree, J. Malone: How can it be that wives hit husbands as much as husbands hit wives and none of us knew it? Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association 1991.
Reviews the literature and discusses results from their study attempting to predict spousal violence. Found that women’s violence is correlated with a history of hitting siblings and a desire to improve contact with partners.
421.) J. W. White, M. P. Koss: Courtship violence: Incidence in a national sample of higher education students, in: Violence and Victims, 6 1991, 247-256.
In a representative sample of 2,603 women and 2,105 men it was found that 37% of the men and 35% of women inflicted some form of physical aggression, while 39% of the men and 32% of the women received some form of physical aggression.
422.) Holida Wakefield & Ralph Underwager: Female child sexual abusers: A critical review of the literature, in: American Journal of Forensic Psychology, 9(4) 1991, 45-69.
However, currently there is increased interest in women as perpetrators of child sexual abuse and some researchers suggest it is more common than previously believed. But there is still considerable disagreement and confusion about just how often women sexually abuse children, what type of woman is a sexual abuser, and under what circumstances the abuse occurs.
423.) R. S. Baron, M. L. Burgess & C. F. Kao: Detecting and labeling prejudice: Do female perpetrators go undetected?, in: Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 17 1991, 115-123.
424.) J. E. Stets, D. A. Henderson: Contextual factors surrounding conflict resolution while dating: results from a national study, in: Family Relations, 40 1991, 29-36.
Used national representative sample of persons who date to examine processes surrounding use and receipt of rational, verbally aggressive, and physically aggressive tactics in disputes. Results showed that women were at least as likely as men to engage in physical disputes. Young, lower class, and those who drank before a conflict were more prone to physical aggression.
425.) S. B. Sorenson, C. A. Telles: Self reports of spousal violence in a Mexican-American and non-Hispanic white population, in: Violence and Victims, 6 1991, 3-15.
As part of a survey of Los Angeles households, 1,243 Mexican Americans and 1,149 non-Hispanic whites were surveyed about their experiences of spousal violence. Questions to assess violence included both perpetration (whether they had been physically violent toward a partner) and victimization (whether they had been the victim of sexual assault by a partner). Over one-fifth (21.2%) of the respondents indicated that they had, at one or more times in their lives, hit or thrown things at their current or former spouse or partner. Spousal violence rates for Mexican Americans born in Mexico and non-Hispanic whites born in the United States were nearly equivalent (20.0% and 21.6%, respectively); rates were highest for Mexican Americans born in the United States (30.9%). While overall rates of sexual assault were lower for Mexican Americans, one-third of the most recent incidents reported by Mexico-born Mexican-American women involved the husband and approximated rape.
426.) Gwat-Yong Lee, Rebecca Schilit, Judy Bush, Marilyn Montagne, Lynn Reyes: Lesbians in currently aggressive relationships: how frequently do they report aggressive past relatonships?, in: Violence and Victims, 6(2) 1991, 121-135.
Findings are reported from a survey examining the frequency with which women in currently aggressive same-sex relationships also report aggressive past relationships involving female partners, male partners, or members of their family of origin. Particular attention is paid to victims who also used aggression and their perceptions of whether their aggressive behavior was self-defensive or mutually aggressive. Results indicate that about one-fourth of participants had been victims of aggression in current relationships, roughly two-thirds had been victimized by a previous male partner, and almost three-fourths had experienced aggression by a previous female partner. Among those reporting having been both victims and users of aggression, about one-fifth had used aggression in their current relationship, almost one-third used aggression with a previous male partner, and nearly two-thirds had used aggression with a previous female partner. A majority of victims who had also used aggression with a previous male partner characterized this use as self-defense, as compared to only 30% of those who had used aggression with a female partner. Instead, aggression in relationships involving a female partner was most frequently described as mutually aggressive in nature.
427.) D. R. Follingstad, S. Wright, J. A. Sebastian: Sex differences in motivations and effects in dating violence, in: Family Relations, 40 1991, 51-57.
A total of 495 college students (207 males and 288 females) completed a measure assessing motivation for and effects of dating violence, along with a social desirability measure, a state-trait anger expression inventory, a justification of relationship violence measure, and the Conflict Tactics Scale. Sex differences were evident in numerous motivations for and effects of dating violence and were also influenced by level of violence. Females were less likely to think force could be justifiable. Implications for the specific findings are discussed.
428.) Irina Anderson & Victoria Swainson: Perceived motivation for rape: Gender differences in beliefs about female and male rape, in: Current Research in Social Psychology, 6(8) 1991 107-122.
Although it is difficult to obtain accurate figures for the incidence of male rape, several recent studies have attempted to measure the prevalence of sexually coercive behavior against men by both men and women, although rape of men by women that is reported to and recorded by the police is rare and as such does not feature in official rape statistics (Lees 1997; although anecdotal evidence exists that this does happen, e.g., Smith, Pine and Hawley 1988.
429.) L. D. Brush: Violent Acts and injurious outcomes in married couples: Methodological issues in the National Survey of Families and Households, in: Gender & Society, 4 1990, 56-67.
This analysis of the National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH) confirmed earlier findings: Much of the violence between married partners occurred in couples in which both partners were reported as perpetrators, and women as well as men committed violent acts in married couples.
430.) J. E. Stets, M. A. Pirog-Good: Interpersonal Control and Courtship Aggression, in: Journal of Personal and Social Relations, 7 1990, 371-394.
This research examines the relationship between aggression and the interpersonal process of control during courtship. A sample of white heterosexual college dating relationships is examined. Data are collected on men and women inflicting and sustaining minor and severe aggression during courtship. The results show that across relationships, men are no more likely than women to control. This challenges the notion that men are more likely to control interpersonally because of their control in the wider society. Furthermore, control predicts inflicting and sustaining minor but not severe aggression. This suggests that the causal factors influencing minor aggression are different from those affecting severe aggression.
431.) D. S. Riggs, K. D. O’Leary, F. C. Breslin: Multiple correlates of physical aggression in dating couples, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 5 1990, 61-73.
Participants in a study of the correlates of courtship aggression included 408 college students (125 males, 283 females) who were involved in a dating relationship of two months or longer. Subjects completed self-report measures of courtship aggression, family aggression, personality, dating problems, problem solving, life change, and personal history of aggression. The pattern of significant correlations differed for men and women. The variables significantly discriminated between aggressive and nonaggressive individuals, for both men and women. The contribution of the individual variables to the discriminant function was also determined. The variables measuring relationship problems, problem-solving ability, and a history of fighting contributed to the discrimination of aggressive and nonaggressive men. For the women, the number of relationship problems and an aggressive personality made significant individual contributions.
432.) B. C. Rollins, Y. Oheneba-Sakyi: Physical violence in Utah households, in: Journal of Family Violence, 5 1990, 301-309.
Using the Conflict Tactics Scale, a random sample of 1471 Utah residential units was selected in 1986 to assess family violence. Results were compared with data from the Straus and Gelles (1986) United States national survey of family violence. Spousal violence rates in Utah households were slightly higher than those in the national survey. Income, employment status, education, family size, religiosity, marital power structure, and gender role orientation failed to differentiate spousal violence rates. Parent-to-child violence rates were less in Utah than in the national survey. Severe mother-to-child violence was influenced substantially by educational level, family size, employment status, and gender role orientation. High level of education for traditionally oriented mothers who are not employed was associated with severe physical violence toward their children.
433.) J. E. Stets, M. A. Straus: Gender differences in reporting marital violence and its medical and psychological consequences, in M. A. Straus, R. J. Gelles (Hg.): Physical violence in American families: Risk factors and adaptations to violence in 8,145 families, New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction 1990, 151-166.
The informative and controversial findings in this book are based on two path-breaking national surveys of American families. Both show that while the family may be the central locus of love and support, it is also the locus of risk for those who are physically assaulted. The book provides a wealth of information on gender differences and similarities in violence, and on the effects of gender roles and inequality.Two landmark American studies of violence from the National Family Violence survey form the basis of this book. Both show that while the family may be the central locus of love and support, it is also the locus of risk for those who are being physically assaulted. This is particularly true for women and children, who are statistically more at risk of assault in their own homes than on the streets of any American city. Physical Violence in American Families provides a wealth of information on gender differences and similarities in violence, and on the effects of gender roles and inequality. It is essential for anyone doing empirical research or clinical assessment.
434.) L. L. Marshall, P. Rose: Premarital violence: The impact of family of origin violence, stress and reciprocity, in: Violence and Victims, 5 1990, 51-64.
Four hundred and fifty-four premarital undergraduates reported their stress and observation and experience of violence in their families of origin. They also reported the violence they have expressed and received in adult love relationships. Among females 53% to 71% of the variance in their expression and receipt of violence was accounted for by their own receipt and expression of violence (respectively) and by their having been abused as a child. This suggests that what they do is closely related to what is done to them. In contrast, among males less than 1% to 10% of the variance in their expression and receipt of violence was accounted for by the same variables. Neither negative stress ratings or the observation of violence were important explanatory variables. Surprisingly, positive stress contributed to males expressing violence.
435.) R. L. McNeely, C. R. Mann: Domestic violence is a human issue, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 5 1990, 129-132.
Presents evidence to support the argument that domestic violence (like all violence) is a human, rather than a gender, issue. The evidence includes a study of the pervasiveness of both male and female domestic violence by R. L. McNeely and G. Robinson-Simpson (see record 1988-33016-001). A study by M. Straus and R. Gelles (see record 1987-22294-001) found that women were more apt than men to engage in severely violent acts. Classifying spousal violence as a women’s issue is erroneous and may fragment the societal resources needed to address the problem successfully.
436.) C. P. Flynn: Relationship violence by women: issues and implications, in: Family Relations, 36 1990, 295-299.
This article presents an analysis of the use of violence by women against their inmate partners. Although women may use violence as often as men do, both the motives for and the effects of women’s violence are quite different. The political agenda of some observers caused them to ignore or downplay violence by women, fearing that attention would be diverted from the more serious problem of male violence. Such a strategy is likely to have negative consequences for women and science. Finally, implications for prevention, intervention, and research are discussed.
437.) M. E. Craig: Coercive sexuality in dating relationships: A situational model, in: Clinical Psychology Review, 10(4) 1990, 395–423.
Coercive sexual behavior among college students has been an area of concern to social scientists since Kanin first documented the problem in 1957. Since that time, much research has been done on the prevalence of sexual coercion, the characteristics of the offender, and the characteristics of the victim. However, little progress has been made in understanding the causes and processes of sexual coercion. The purpose of the present paper is to review the literature in terms of a theoretical model of coercive sexuality. Methodological issues are pointed out that have hindered progress in the field, and directions are offered for future research.
438.) E. H. Thompson Jr.: Courtship violence and the male role, in: Men’s Studies Review, 7(3) 1990, 4-13.
Subjects were 336 undergraduates <167 men, 169 women> who completed a modified version of the CTS. Found that 24.6% of men compared to 28.4% of women expressed physical violence toward their dating partners within the past two years. Found that women were twice as likely as men to slap their partners.
439.) E. V. Weldon: Women who sexually abuse children, in: British Medical Journal, 300(6738) 1990, 1527-1528.
A second insight concerns the propensity of sexual abuse to be perpetuated through mothers. A significant percentage of the patients we see-and this refers to both men and women-are themselves the victims of sexual abuse as children. Incest committed by fathers is commoner than incest committed by mothers but this condition in men is sometimes traceable to their mother’s perverting actions, which I call „perversogenic.“
440.) Toni Cavanagh Johnson: Female child perpetrators: Children who molest other children, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 13(4) 1989, 571-585.
441.) W. A. Lo, M. J. Sporakowski: The continuation of violent dating relationships among college students, in: Journal of College Student Development, 30 1989, 432-439.
Investigated why college students (N=422) remain in violent dating relationships. Found most students remained in dating relationships despite the presence of violence. Reasons for continuing relationships included whether violence was in private; investment in relationship; feelings about relationship; kind of violence; and how person reacted to the violence.
442.) K. D. O’Leary, J. Barling, I. Arias, A. Rosenbaum, J. Malone, A. Tyree: Prevalence and stability of physical aggression between spouses: A longitudinal analysis, in: Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 57 1989, 263-268.
Community couples (N=272) were assessed in a longitudinal study of early marriage. More women than men reported physically aggressing against their partners at premarriage (44% vs. 31%) and 18 months (36% vs. 27%). At 30 months, men and women did not report significantly different rates of aggression (32% vs. 25%). However, using either the self-report or the partner’s report, the prevalence of aggression for both men and women were pushing, shoving, and slapping. Conditional probability analyses indicated that the likelihood of physically aggressing at 30 months given that one had engaged in such aggression before marriage and at 18 months after marriage was .72 for women and .59 for men. Furthermore, 25–30% of the recipients of physical aggression at all three assessment periods were seriously maritally discordant at 30 months.
443.) J. E. Stets, M. A. Pirog-Good: Patterns of physical and sexual abuse for men and women in dating relationships: A descriptive analysis, in: Journal of Family Violence, 4 1989, 63-76.
A random sample of students at a large Midwestern University was selected in order to examine whether and how physical and sexual abuse were related to each other for men and women, whether abuse in one relationship was independent of abuse in other relationships, and how victims responded to abusive incidents. The results revealed several important patterns. When comparing the frequency of physical and sexual abuse for men and women, it was found that sexual abuse was more common than physical abuse, but only for women. Additionally, women experienced more sexual abuse than men. While men and women did not experience physical abuse in other relationships at more than chance levels, women who sustained sexual abuse in one relationship were more likely to sustain sexual abuse in other relationships. Furthermore, while sustaining physical and sexual abuse were not associated with one another for men, there was a weak association for women. Finally, victims of abuse were more likely to tell their friends they had been abused than report it to criminal justice authorities.
444.) J. A. Mercy, L. E. Saltzman: Fatal violence among spouses in the United States, 1975-85, in: American Journal of Public Health, 79 1989, 595-599.
We identified 16,595 spouse homicides accounting for 8.8 per cent of all homicides reported to the FBI-SHR during this 10-year period. The rate of spouse homicide for this 10-year period was 1.6 per 100,000 married persons. The risk of being killed by one’s spouse was 1.3 times greater for wives than for husbands. Black husbands were at greater risk of spouse homicide victimization than Black wives or White spouses of either sex. The risk of victimization was greater for spouses in interracial than in intraracial marriages and increased as age differences between spouses increased. From 1976 through 1985, the risk of spouse homicide declined by more than 45.0 per cent for both Black husbands and wives but remained relatively stable for White husbands and wives. Demographic patterns in the risk of spouse homicide were similar to those reported for nonfatal spouse abuse suggesting that the causes of spouse homicide and nonfatal spouse abuse may be similar.
445.) A. L. Waiping, M. J. Sporakowski: The continuation of violent dating relationships among college students, in: Journal of College Student Development, 30 1989, 432-439.
Investigated why college students (N=422) remain in violent dating relationships. Found most students remained in dating relationships despite the presence of violence. Reasons for continuing relationships included whether violence was in private; investment in relationship; feelings about relationship; kind of violence; and how person reacted to the violence.
446.) A. Banning: Mother-son incest: Confronting a prejudice, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 13 1989, 563-570.
This paper examines the proposition that the incidence of child sexual abuse by female perpetrators is underestimated. This may be due to a culturally based unwillingness to believe that women commit such acts. Female sexual offenders have been little studied and poorly understood.
447.) I. Arias, P. Johnson: Evaluations of physical aggression among intimate dyads, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 4 1989, 298-307.
448.) J. Archer, N. Ray: Dating violence in the United Kingdom: a preliminary study, in: Aggressive Behavior, 15 1989, 337-343.
449.) D. B. Sugarman, G. T. Hotaling, G. T.: Dating violence: Prevalence, context, and risk markers, in M. A. Pirog-Good, J. E. Stets (Hg.): Violence in dating relationships: Emerging social issues, New York: Praeger 1989, 3-32.
Fourteen significant articles on physical and sexual abuse in dating relationships provide a comprehensive, interdisciplinary review of the subject. The contributors to this anthology examine every aspect of the serious, but usually hidden social problems of dating violence. The articles create a theoretical framework for understanding physical and sexual abuse and chronicle the antecedents and consequences of different types of abusive behavior. State of the art research on dating violence provides the reader with extensive material. Each chapter ends with policy implications and directions for future research. Educators, researchers, and practitioners in sociology, criminology, psychology, psychiatry, and women’s studies will find valuable information on this important subject. The first part of the collection presents statistical information and compares dating violence with cohabitating and marital violence. Such subjects as courtship aggression and the effects of gender identity and self-esteem on dating violence are explored. One study suggests two types of courtship violence–predatory violence and relational violence. Another addresses patterns in help seeking behavior by those abused. The second part of the book deals with sexual aggression in dating relationships. Victimization, as well as the prevalence, risk factors, and long term consequences of date rape are presented. Other topics include predictors of sexual aggression, dating behaviors and their relationship to the risk of date rape, and acquaintance rape.
450.) R. L. Hampton, R. J. Gelles, J. W. Harrop: Is violence in families increasing? A comparison of 1975 and 1985 National Survey rates, in: Journal of Marriage and the Family, 51 1989, 969-980.
This article compares the rates of physical violence in black families from the First National Family Violence Survey, conducted in 1975, with the rates from 1985 replication. It also compares these rates to the rates for white families in the same surveys.
451.) J. Stets, M. Straus: The marriage license as a hitting license. Physical violence in American families, in: Journal of Family Violence, 4 1989, 161-180.
There are many studies of marital and dating violence. However, methodological differences between these studies make it difficult to determine differences in the nature and extent of physical assault between marital status groups. This paper helps fill that gap by analyzing data from two surveys: a study of 526 dating couples at a large midwestern university, and a study of a national probability sample of 5005 married and 237 cohabiting couples. The results show that cohabiting couples have a higher rate of assault than dating and married couples. These findings persist after controls for age, education, and occupational status are introduced. Violence is also more severe in cohabiting than dating or married couples. A number of factors may account for the more frequent violence in cohabiting relationships. These include social isolation, the issue of autonomy and control, and the investment in the relationship.
452.) M. G. Maxfield: Circumstances in supplementary homicide reports: Variety and validity, in: Criminology, 27 1989, 671-695.
This paper presents a critical examination of homicide circumstances as reported in supplementary homicide reports (SHR). Different types of homicides can be distinguished by the circumstance codes and victim/offender relationship recorded on the SHR. Delineating murder by type invites analysis of this offense from a victimization perspective–homicides have much in common with nonlethal offenses. Different types of homicide present different policy problems to police. The paper also discusses various sources of error in SHR data, which must be recognized by researchers interested in theoretical or policy questions.
453.) J. Malone, A. Tyree, K. D. O’Leary: Generalization and containment: Different effects of past aggression for wives and husbands, in: Journal of Marriage and the Family, 51 1989, 687-697.
Studied etiology of physical aggression toward spouses in couples (N=328) 6 weeks prior to marriage and 6-18 months after marriage. Found men had higher ratings of violent activities outside home but men and women engaged in similar amounts of aggression within their families. Found women more likely to generalize aggression.
454.) Ronald S. Krug: Adult male report of childhood sexual abuse by mothers: Case descriptions, motivations and long-term consequences, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 13(1) 1989, 111-119.
Sexual abuse of male children by their mothers is rarely reported. However, it may not be as rare as commonly believed. Eight case histories are presented which exemplify mothers‘ sexual abuse of their sons to satisfy the mothers‘ own needs. In no case was the mother psychotic.
455.) J. E. Murphy: Date abuse and forced intercourse among college students, in: G. P. Hotaling, D. Finkelhor, J. T. Kirkpatrick, M. A. Straus (Hg.): Family Abuse and its Consequences: New Directions in Research, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage 1988, 285-296.
Family Abuse and its Consequences contains some of the most advanced research on the prevalence, risk factors, and consequences of family violence and abuse. The volume is divided into three major areas: physical child abuse; violence toward women; sexual and elder abuse. Methods of determining the extent of abuse are evaluated, and the long and short term consequences of family violence on both victims and society are assessed. The book also emphasizes the need for a theory that interprets risk factors in violent men.
456.) M. Brinkerhoff, E. Lupri: Interspousal violence, in: Canadian Journal of Sociology, 13 1988, 407-434.
In 1981, 562 married couples in Calgary responded to self-administered questionnaires to identify three types of violence: husband-to-wife, wife-to-husband, and mutual. Respondents were asked to report their violent acts and not those committed against them by their partners. The study findings indicate that interspousal violence is widespread, occurs in all socioeconomic groups, and is triggered by aggression, marital conflict, and work strain.
457.) C. R. Mann: Getting even? Women who kill in domestic encounters, in: Justice Quarterly, 5(1) 1988, 33-51.
Field research in six U. S. cities, included among cities with the highest murder rates in the country, was undertaken to explore female criminal homicide offenders and the circumstances of their crimes. This article addresses a subgroup of those women; those who kill persons with whom they have been intimate sexually. Many of the results support earlier studies by finding, for example, that domestic homicide is intrafamilial, intraracial and intersexual, but other discoveries such as the preplanning of the homicide, increased use of firearms, more murders committed by single women, and the prior arrest histories of the female offenders suggest that the women who kill as a result of domestic alterations today differ from their battered sisters of past years.
458.) R. M. Milardo: Gender asymmetry in common couple violence, in: Personal Relationships, 5 1988, 423-438.
In companion studies I examine the acceptability of two forms of “common couple violence” that vary in seventy. According to Johnson (1995), common couple violence is enacted equally by both men and women, is therefore gender symmetrical, and can be distinguished from patriarchal terrorism, which often includes frequent and systematic violence enacted by men in the control and domination of women. The 160 randomly selected respondents in Study 1 (representative of a midsize northeastern American university) were asked whether they would be likely to hit their partner, and whether they would expect to be hit, in any one of 10 situations common to a dating relationship. Contrary to the expectations of gender symmetry, 83% of the women indicated they would be at least somewhat likely to hit their partner in any one situation compared to 53% of the men. Men were also more likely to report expecting to be hit (70%) than women (50%). Interactions of gender with dating status or year in school cannot account for these findings: however, women and men differ in their motivations. Although most men enact violence for reasons similar to women—because they are angry or contused—a sizable minority of men invoke violence because of strong feelings like love or hate. Study 2 queried 97 randomly selected students about their willingness to use a more serious form of violence (i.e., beating up their partner). Findings were similar to Study 1 with one exception. In most instances, women report a greater expectation of being beaten.
459.) P. J. Burke, J. E. Stets, M. A. Pirog-Good: Gender identity, self-esteem, and physical and sexual abuse in dating relationships, in: Social Psychology Quarterly, 51 1988, 272-285.
Examined the roles of gender identity and self-esteem in both physical and sexual abuse in dating relationships, using data from 298 female and 207 male undergraduates (non-freshman). Data were collected on both inflicting and sustaining physical and sexual abuse. No support was found for the theory that abuse is a result of compulsive masculinity.
460.) L. P. Rouse, R. Breen, M. Howell: Abuse in intimate relationships. A Comparison of married and dating college students, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 3 1988, 414-429.
Participants were undergraduates in a southwestern urban university. They completed three-page questionnaires that focused on the duration of the current relationship, the partner’s behavior toward the respondent, and, for dating students, the degree of sexual involvement with the partner. Sexual pressure was reported by more married students, with dating students who were sexually involved to the extent of having intercourse more like married students. The dating students reported more use of moderate physical force than did the married students. Force include pushing, slapping, or hitting with an object. Males were as likely as females to report the partners engaging in these behaviors. Dating and married students reported similar results regarding the use of force. About 11 percent of both married and dating students reported consequences such as requiring medical attention or calling the police, which suggested more severe physical abuse. Discussions of theoretical and research implications, table, note, and 16 references.
461.) L. P. Rouse: Abuse in dating relationships: A comparison of Blacks, Whites, and Hispanics, in: Journal of College Student Development, 29 1988, 312-319.
462.) M. Aizenman, G. Kelley: The incidence of violence and acquaintance rape in dating relationships among college men and women, in: Journal of College Student Development, 29 1988, 305-311
Undergraduate students (N=344) completed measures of violence in dating relationships. While 85 percent of respondents reported opposition to violence in romantic relationships, 25 percent of the women and 7 percent of the men reported experiences of violence in dating relationships.
463.) C. Struckman-Johnson: Forced sex on dates. It happens to man, too, in: The Journal of Sex Research, 24(1) 1988, 234-241.
Sexual victimization of men by women has been reported by at least one clinical research team. Sarrel and Masters (1982) interviewed 19 men about sexual dysfunction related to a forced sex episode perpetrated by a woman or group of women and men. They contend that the incidence of adult male rape and sexual molestation is underestimated because of the reluctance of men to report the episode. Part of the underreporting problem, however, is due to a societal myth that men cannot be sexually exploited by women …
464.) Claire M. Renzetti: Violence in Lesbian Relationships. A Preliminiary Analysis of Causal Factors, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 3(4) 1988, 381-399.
Despite the increase in research on domestic violence during the last two decades, little attention has been given to the problem of partner abuse among homosexual couples. The present research takes a step toward developing an understanding of homosexual partner abuse by examining the incidence, forms, and correlates of violence in lesbian relationships. Based on questionnaire data from 100 lesbian victims, the study addresses, in particular, the relationships between lesbian battering and (1) abusers‘ dependence on their partners, and (2) perceived power imbalances between partners in abusive lesbian relationships. In addition, the study explores the extent to which responses from the lesbian community and others to victims of abuse may serve to prevent or exacerbate lesbian battering. The article concludes by raising questions to guide future research.
465.) R. L. McNeely, G. Robinson-Simpson: The truth about domestic violence: A falsely framed issue, in: Social Work, 32 1987, 485-490.
Presents results of empirical studies that contradict the popular conception of domestic violence as essentially a masculine form of assaultive behavior. Suggests that the popular view has contributed to men’s increasing legal and social defenselessness. Discusses the appropriateness of psychotherapeutic approaches to the problem.
466.) B. E. Carlson: Dating violence: a research review and comparison with spouse abuse, in: Social Casework, 68 1987, 16-23.
Courtship violence or dating violence has been measured using a version of the Conflict Tactics Scales as developed by Murray Straus. This instrument measures the use of physical force ranging from slapping to beating up or using a gun or a knife. The less violent acts are most common, involving from 13 percent to 61 percent of high school and college students surveyed. However, the most serious types of violence have prevalence rates ranging from 1 percent to 4 percent. Women are more likely than men to experience severe violence.
467.) G. Margolin: The multiple forms of aggressiveness between marital partners: how do we identify them?, in: Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 13 1987, 77-84.
One of the difficulties in conducting research that compares violent to nonviolent marriages, is determining exactly which couples are violent and what is the direction of that violence: husband-to-wife, wife-to-husband, or bi-directional. To illustrate this problem, data on the incidence of violence in 103 couples are presented, based on wife’s report only, husband’s report only, or both spouses‘ reports. Incidence figures based on the report of either spouse were approximately 100% higher than the incidence based on agreements between spouses. Although slightly more wives than husbands reported severe husband-to-wife aggression, other forms of aggression were reported by more husbands than wives. Discussion focuses on the limitations of frequency data, alone, in assessing marital violence.
468.) L. L. Marshall, P. Rose: Gender, stress and violence in the adult relationships of a sample of college students, in: Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 4 1987, 299-316.
Research is reviewed on violence among married and unmarried students. A survey of 308 undergraduates was conducted to explore the relationships between gender, stress and subjective rates of violence experienced as an adult and experienced and observed in childhood. To measure violence, ten behaviours were rated on five-point scales (labelled `never‘ to `very often‘). Over 74 percent of the sample reported having expressed violence and 62 percent having received violence at some time in an adult relationship. Eliminating symbolic (threatened) violence, the frequencies were 52 and 62 percent, respectively. Single respondents not in a relationship, those in a relationship and married students were examined separately. Females were more likely to report both expressed and received violence across most groups. The correlation between expressed and received violence was also higher for females. Multiple regression analyses indicated different predictor variables across the groups and genders, but abuse received as a child emerged as the most frequent.
469.) A. Mason, V. Blankenship: Power and affiliation motivation, stress and abuse in intimate relationships, in: Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52 1987, 203-210.
The associations among n Power, n Affiliation, inhibition, stressful life events, and infliction and receipt of psychological and physical abuse in intimate relationships were investigated in a sample of 48 male and 107 female college undergraduates. Results indicated that life events that were perceived as being negative were associated with both the infliction and the receipt of abuse for women but not for men. Individual personality characteristics determined the tactics used in resolving intimate interpersonal conflicts. High n Power was significantly associated with the infliction of physical abuse on their partners by men, but not by women. For women, n Affiliation and activity inhibition moderated the effect that stress has on the infliction of abuse. Highly stressed women with high n Affiliation and low activity inhibition were the most likely to inflict abuse. Length and status of relationship were also found to be related to abuse, with abuse occurring most often between more committed couples. Sex differences were found for the relation between infliction and receipt of abuse. That is, receipt of abuse was highly correlated with infliction of abuse for women but not for men, suggesting that when women strike out they are struck in return.
470.) J. E. Stets, M. A. Pirog-Good: Violence in dating relationships, in: Social Psychology Quarterly, 50 1987, 237-246.
This paper examines violence in white, heterosexual dating relationships among college students and highlights the gender differences that are found. Our analysis focuses on particular individual and relationship-specific characteristics that influence the propensity for men and women to use and receive violence.
471.) I. Arias, M. Samios, K. D. O’Leary: Prevalence and correlates of physical aggression during courtship, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2 1987, 82-90.
Some 30% of the men and 32% of the women reported engaging in some form of physical aggression against a current steady dating partner. Additionally, 49% of the men and 26% of the women reported being the victims of their current dating partner’s physical aggression.
472.) J. M. Makepeace: Gender differences in courtship violence victimization, in: Family Relations, 35 1986, 383-388.
Results indicated rates of commission of acts and initiation of violence were similar across gender, although females sustained more higher level violence. Males reports of motives were largely culpability reducing. Females reported many more sexual assaults and physical and emotional injury than males. Male did not perceive families as sustaining greater harm.
473.) D. H. Coleman, M. A. Straus: Marital Power, Conflict, and Violence in a Nationally Representative Sample of American Couples, in: Violence and Victims, 1 1986, 141-157.
Data on a nationally representative sample of 2,143 couples are used to study the relationship to marital violence of the power structure of marriage, power norm consensus, and the level of marital conflict. The couples were classified as equalitarian, male-dominant, female-dominant, or divided power. Equalitarian couples had the lowest rates of conflict and violence and male-dominant and female-dominant couples had the highest rates. Although consensus about the legitimacy of a male-dominant and female-dominant power structure reduced conflict and violence in such families, when conflict did occur in such families, it was associated with a much higher risk of violence than a similar level of conflict in equalitarian families. Since equality in marriage is associated with low rates of intrafamily conflict and violence, laws, administrative decisions, and services that empower women and encourage men to value an equal partner are likely to be important steps to reducing violence and strengthen the family.
474.) R. Bland, H. Orn: Family violence and psychiatric disorder, in: Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 31 1986, 129-137.
475.) K. McKinney: Measures of verbal, physical and sexual dating violence by gender, in: Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology, 14 1986, 55-60.
Surveyed 163 college students, 78 men, 85 women, with a questionnaire designed to assess involvement in dating abuse. Found that 38% of women and 47% of men indicated that they were victims of physical abuse in dating relationships. Also found that 26% of women and 21% of men acknowledged that they physically assaulted their dating partners.
476.) J. E. Deal, K. S. Wampler: Dating violence: The primacy of previous experience, in: Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 3 1986, 457-471.
The results indicate that 47 percent of the respondents had some experience with violence in a dating relationship. The majority of these experiences were reciprocal in nature with both partners violent at some time.
477.) N. O’Keeffe, K., Brockopp, E. Chew: Teen dating violence, in: Social Work, 31 1986, 465-468.
Violence among teenage dating couples is one of the hidden social issues of the 1980’s. A survey was conducted of 256 high school students in a Sacramento, Calif., school district during the 1982-1983 school year. The majority of the students were white, juniors or seniors, middle-class, average or better students, and from intact two-parent homes. Thirty-five percent of the students were either victims of abuse, perpetrators, or both. The severity of abuse indicated that the most frequently exhibited forms of violence were slapping, pushing, and shoving. Although a larger number of abusive experiences were at the lower or less severe end of the continuum of violence, many students, nonetheless, experienced severe levels of violence. The study also found that violence between the boys and girls was apparently reciprocal; those who slapped or pushed would be slapped or pushed in return. Other findings reveal that (1) the violence in and of itself was usually not sufficient grounds for ending a relationship, (2) those students who reported spousal violence between their parents had a greater rate of violence in their dating relationship, and (3) 50 percent of the students who had never experienced violence had ‚known of‘ another student who had experienced it. Finally, violence occurred without statistical significance to any of the social demographics studied. 3 tables and 14 references.
478.) W. H. Meredith, D. A. Abbot, S. L. Adams: Family violence in relation to marital and parental satisfaction and family strengths, in: Journal of Family Violence, 1 1986, 299-305.
Previous research has shown the negative effects of violence on individual family members. However, a review of the literature reveals few studies that document the adverse effects of violence on family relationships. To assess these effects, 304 married parents anonymously completed a survey that included the following scales: conflict tactics, family strengths, marital satisfaction, and parent satisfaction. Results indicated significant decreases in perceived family strengths, marital satisfaction, and parent satisfaction as the use of physical violence among family members increased. These findings provide empirical support for the assumption that violence has a negative impact not only on individuals within a family but also on family relationships.
479.) M. A. Straus, R. J. Gelles: Societal change and change in family violence from 1975 to 1985 as revealed by two national surveys, in: Journal of Marriage and the Family, 48 1986, 465-479.
This article compares the rate of physical abuse of children and spouses from a 1975 study with the rates from a 1985 replication. Both studies used nationally representative samples (2,143 families in 1975 and 3,520 in 1985), and both found an extremely high incidence of severe physical violence against children („child abuse“) and a high incidence of violence against spouses. However, the 1985 rates, although high, were substantially lower than in 1975: the child abuse rate was 47% lower, and the wife abuse rate was 27% lower. Possible reasons for the methods of the studies, (b) increased reluctance to report, (c) reductions in intrafamily violence due to ten years of prevention and treatment effort, and (d) reductions due to changes in American society and family patterns that would have produced lower rates of intrafamily violence even without ameliorative programs. The policy implications of the decreases and of the continued high rate of child abuse and spouse abuse are discussed.
480.) R .E. Billingham, A. R. Sack: Courtship violence and the interactive status of the relationship, in: Journal of Adolescent Research 1 1986, 315-325.
Five hundred twenty-six students completed questionnaires designed to measure the use of reasoning, verbal aggression and violence as conflict resolution strategies. Significant differences in the reasoning and verbal aggression scores were found based on gender and on the interactive status of the violence within the relationship. No significant difference was found for the violence score based on sex but a significant difference was found based on the interactive status of the relationship. When the sex of the respondent was controlled an almost identical proportion of males and females reported that violence in their relationship was reciprocal in nature.
481.) K. Lane, P.A. Gwartney-Gibbs: Violence in the context of dating and sex, in: Journal of Family Issues, 6 1985, 45-59.
A study of reported courtship violence using a representative sample of college students and a broad definition of relationships “at risk” found substantially higher rates of violence than those reported in earlier studies. Females reported using a wider array of violence than males, but males used more extreme forms of violence, had violence multiple times with multiple partners, and inflicted more sexual aggression. Students from high-income families, whites, and those “living together” reported more violence than others. Sexuality appears to be an important source of violence in courtship.
482.) E. N. Jouriles, K. D. O’leary: Interpersonal reliability of reports of marital violence, in: Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 53 1985, 419-421.
Examined interpersonal reliability on reports of marital violence. 65 couples beginning marital therapy and 37 couples from the community participated. Husbands and wives had average ages of 35 and 32 yrs, respectively. Each S completed a version of the Conflict Tactics Scale on which they were asked to report on their own use of physically abusive behavior as well as their partner’s use of such behaviors in the past 12 mo. Agreement between partners on the occurrence of violence was low to moderate for both the clinic and the community sample. Clinic husbands tended to underreport their own violent behavior, and/or clinic wives tended to overreport the violence performed by husbands.
483.) D. Kalmuss: The intergenerational transmission of marital aggression, in: Journal of Marriage and the Family, 46 1984, 11-19.
Explored the relationship between two types of childhood family aggression and severe marital aggression in the next generation of adults (N=2,143). Results indicated that observing hitting between one’s parents is more strongly related to involvement in severe marital aggression than is being hit as a teenager by one’s parent.
484.) W. G. Goldberg, M. C. Tomlanovich: Domestic violence victims in the emergency department, in: JAMA, 251 1984, 3259-3264.
Four hundred ninety-two male and female patients from a general hospital emergency department were surveyed to elicit information on the extent and nature of domestic violence among this population. The patient’s emergency department medical records were also reviewed. Twenty-two percent of the patients identified themselves on the survey as domestic violence victims. New findings in the areas of medical classification, nature of the abusive relationship, and patients‘ perceived treatment needs contribute to refining the battered spouse syndrome and are helpful in planning therapeutic intervention. The authors conclude that domestic violence victims should be identified and offered assistance while in the emergency department and outline a crisis intervention plan.
485.) M. McLeod: Women against men: An examination of domestic violence based on an analysis of official data and national victimization data, in: Justice Quarterly, 1 1984, 171-193.
In recent years, increased attention has been focused on the victimization of women in domestic assaults. Several studies, derived from police reports, shelter populations, and general social surveys have documented the incidence and nature of this phenomenon. A companion discussion of the victimization of men in domestic assaults has been conspicuously absent. This article adds to our knowledge on domestic violence research by examining the incidence and correlates of male victimizations within the domicile. The findings are based on an analysis of approximately 6,200 cases of domestic assaults reported to law enforcement authorities and of national victimization data reported to the National Crime Survey.
486.) W. J. Matthews: Violence in college couples, in: College Student Journal, 18 1984, 150-158.
Replicated an investigation by J. Makepeace (1980) on dating violence in college couples using data collected from 351 undergraduates, 35% of whom were male. Ss were administered a questionnaire assessing demographic variables and whether they had experienced any violent acts (e.g., throwing objects, slapping, kicking, biting, threatening with or using a knife or gun). It was found that 22.8% of the Ss reported at least 1 incidence of direct involvement in dating violence. Reasons for the disagreements were grouped into categories of involvement with others, communication problems, and sexual contact. It was also found that (1) alcohol and drugs did not appear to be an important factor in the violence; (2) females tended not to view themselves as victims but more as co-equally responsible for the violence; (3) violence was often interpreted as love by both the perpetrator and the victim; and (4) violence in and out of dating relationships was not perceived as particularly unusual or necessarily unacceptable. Comparisons between violent and nonviolent Ss on attitudes toward dating violence revealed that the differences between these groups may have been due to circumstance rather than beliefs. Results support Makepeace’s conclusion that violence is a common but neglected aspect of premarital heterosexual relations.
487.) C. K. Sigelman, C. J. Berry, K. A. Wiles: Violence in college students‘ dating relationships, in: Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 5 1984, 530-548.
In a survey of 504 college students examining predictors of violence in heterosexual relationships, over half of both men and women had committed at least one physically violent act, and men more often than women reported having been the victims of such acts. Most respondents who reported some experience with violence had both committed and received it, were involved in relatively few different types of violence, and first experienced violence when a relationship had moved beyond the casual dating stage. Modest associations between physical violence and sexual aggression were uncovered. In a series of discriminant analyses, men who abused their partners were not readily distinguished from men who did not, but tended to be young, low in family income, traditional in attitudes toward women, abused as children, currently living with a woman, and from Appalachian areas. Women who abused were more readily discriminated and scored low in social desirability, were abused as children, and were from non-Appalachian areas. Men who were abused were likely to be living with a woman and tended to be low in family income; similarly, cohabitation was related among women to being a target of violence, as were having been abused as a child and scoring low in social desirability. Findings are related to those of other studies of dating abuse, as well as to the family violence and aggression literatures.
488.) J. Brutz, B. B. Ingoldsby: Conflict resolution in Quaker families, in: Journal of Marriage and the Family, 46 1984, 21-26.
Compared conflict resolution in male (N=130) and female (N=158) Quaker adults to the national study on family violence. Results generally showed no differences in the violence rates; however, Quaker fathers reported more acts of overall violence toward their children and Quaker sibling violence was higher than the national sample.
489.) M. S. Plass, J. C. Gessner: Violence in courtship relations: a southern sample, in: Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology, 11 1983, 198-202.
In an opportunity sample of 195 high school and college students from a large southern city, researchers used the Conflict Tactics scale to examine courtship violence. Overall, results reveal that women were significantly more likely than men to be aggressors. Specifically, in, committed relationships, women were three times as likely as men to slap their partners, and to kick, bit or hit with the fist seven times as often as men. In casual relationships, while the gender differences weren’t as pronounced, women were more aggressive than men. Other findings reveal that high school students were more abusive than college students, and that a „higher proportion of black respondents were involved as aggressors.
490.) J. Henton, R. Cate, J. Koval, S. Lloyd, S. Christopher: Romance and violence in dating relationships, in: Journal of Family Issues, 4 1983, 467-482.
Recent data verifying a substantial amount of violence in dating relationships have presented a new challenge to the romantic love model. This study, which investigates abuse between high school couples, confirms the existence of violence among younger partners and describes their reactions to those abusive events. Findings suggest that violence is viewed by participating individuals as relatively nondisruptive to the relationship and sometimes is even seen as a positive occurrence. Discussion centers on how romance and violence coexist.
491.) M. E. Szinovacz: Using couple data as a methodological tool: The case of marital violence, in: Journal of Marriage and the Family, 45 1983, 633-644.
Uses Straus’s Conflict Tactics Scale to show that couple data may be used for the evaluation of scale items and for the assessment of the validity of frequency estimates of violence and its relationship with other variables. Results showed that aggregate husband-wife data cannot substitute for couple data.
492.) M. L. Bernard, J. L. Bernard: Violent intimacy: The family as a model for love relationships, in: Family Relations, 32 1983, 283-286.
493.) M. R. Laner, J. Thompson: Abuse and aggression in courting couples, in: Deviant Behavior, 3 1982, 229-244.
Challenging Gelles’ (1972) assertion that violence between intimates is likely to occur only within a family context, more than 60% of a sample of 371 single respondents reported having experienced abusive or aggressive behaviors or having inflicted them during courtship. Theoretical considerations and empirical consistencies derived from the marital violence literature supported hypothesized relationships between more serious courting relationships and violence and between experienced childhood violence and the occurrence of violence in courtship. A hypothesized relationship between social class and violence in courtship was not supported, however. A conflict theory framework and propositions extracted from choice and exchange theory explain these findings. The extent of courtship violence documented here is in all probability an underestimate of its actual occurrence.
494.) A. R. Sack, J. F. Keller, R. D. Howard: Conflict tactics and violence in dating situations, in: International Journal of Sociology of the Family, 12 1982, 89-100.
495.) P. M. Sarrel, W. H. Masters: Sexual molestation of men by women, in: Archives of Sexual Behavior, 11(2) 1982, 117-131.
The belief that it is impossible for males to respond sexually when subjected to sexual molestation by women is contradicted. Previous research indicating that male sex response can occur in a variety of emotional states, including anger and terror, are corroborated. Eleven cases of male sexual molestation by females are classified and described. A post-trauma reaction occurs in which sexual function and psychological state are affected. The men were all personally interviewed. Recognition of this phenomenon should lead to increased identification of male victims as well as to better medical, psychological, and legal services for them.
496.) S. K. Steinmetz: A cross cultural comparison of marital abuse, in: Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 8 1981, 404-414.
A brief history of marital violence and statistics from recent studies are presented. Marital abuse data from six societeis: United States; Canada, Finland; Israel, with city and Kibbutz sub-samples; Puerto Rico; and Belize (British Honduras) with sub-samples of Spanish speaking, Creoles and Caribs are compared. In general, similarities were found between political/civil profiles of violence and marital violence score within each society. The percentage of husbands and wives using abuse was also similar for each society.
497.) M. A. Straus, R. J. Gelles, S. K. Steinmetz: Behind closed doors: Violence in the American family, Garden City, NJ: Anchor 1981.
„Behind Closed Doors“ is grounded in the unprecedented national survey of the extent, patterns, and causes of violence in the American family. Based on a study of over 2,000 families, the authors provide landmark insights into this phenomenon of violence and what causes Americans to inflict it on their family members. The authors explore the relationship between spousal abuse and child abuse as well as abuse between siblings, violence by children against their parents, and the causes and effects of verbal abuse. Taken together, their analysis provides a vivid picture of how violence is woven into the fabric of family life and why the hallmark of family life is both love and violence. This is a comprehensive, highly readable account of interest to both the professional and the layperson on an important topic, which concerns the social well-being of us all.
498.) S. K. Steinmetz: Women and violence: victims and perpetrators, in: American Journal of Psychotherapy, 34 1980, 334-350.
The article examines women as victims and women as perpetrators of violence. Although we will briefly explore women and criminal violence, the primary focus of this study is violence within the family context. Attempts to resolve the apparent contradictions in women’s role as victim and perpetrator will be explored.
499.) M. A. Straus: Victims and aggressors in marital violence, in: American Behavioral Scientist, 23 1980, 681-704.
One of the cruel ironies of marriage is that, although husband-wife relationships are largely male-dominant, the use of physical violence seems to e one of the few aspects of marriage which approahc equality between spouses.
500.) L. Nisonoff, I. Bitman: Spouse abuse: Incidence and relationship to selected demographic variables, in: Victimology, 4 1979, 131-140.
Subjects were residents of the county, a suburban, middle to upper-class community on Long Island. Subjects were selected by random telephone numbers. A total of 434 people were contacted, and 297 completed at least half the survey, which consisted of 42 standarized questions. Analysis of the data showed that spouse abuse is a major problem in Suffolk County since 50 percent of the respondents knew at least one person who had engaged in spousal violence. One of four men and one of six women reported having used violence on their spouses. Wives reported hitting their husbands almost as frequently as husbands reported hitting wives, and a higher proportion of men reported having been hit by their wives than vice versa. In over 25 percent of violent incidents, alcohol was felt to have promoted spouse abuse. Divorced and separated persons were much more likely to report having been hit and somewhat more likely to have hit their spouse. Moreover, respondents in their twenties and thirties tended to report more frequent involvement in spouse abuse. Future research should use these findings as a starting point in an analysis of spouse abuse. Statistical data and 13 references are supplied.
501.) S. K. Steinmetz: The battered husband syndrome, in: Victimology, 2 1977–1978, 499-509.
Utilizes historical data, comic strips as a reflection of popular values, and the data derived from several empirical studies to examine the problem of husband abuse. This phenomenon is not uncommon, although many tend to ignore it, dismiss it, or treat it with „selective inattention.“ The reasons why men do not report their victimization and why they stay in an abusive situation are examined, and some of the myths commonly held about men’s place in the family, their attachment to their offspring, and their ability to easily move in and out of relationships are questioned. The need for a more comprehensive approach to the study and treatment of family violence that views the problem as another manifestation of a basically violent society is emphasized.